Conflict Research Consortium
University of Colorado, USA




Working Paper 89-12, May, 1989.

By Joe Hopper

Department of Sociology

University of Colorado, Boulder

This paper was written with a small grant from the Conflict Resolution Consortium, University of Colorado. Funding for the Consortium and its Small Grants Program was provided by the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation. The statements and ideas presented in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of the Conflict Resolution Consortium, the University of Colorado, or the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation. For more information, contact the Conflict Resolution Consortium, Campus Box 327, University of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado 80309-0327. Phone: (303) 492-1635, e-mail:

Copyright (C) 1989. Joe Hopper. Do not reprint without permission.

Funded by the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation and the University of Colorado, the Conflict Resolution Consortium is a coordinated program of research, education and application on three of the University's four campuses. The program unites researchers, educators, and practitioners from many fields for the purposes of theory-building, testing, and application in the field of conflict resolution. Current focus areas include international conflict; environmental and natural resource conflict; urban, rural, and inter-jurisdictional conflicts; and the evaluation of alternative dispute resolution mechanisms.


The Conflict Resolution Consortium working paper series includes a variety of papers written by our members as a part of their research. Usually these papers are in preliminary draft stage and are being prepared for eventual publication in professional journals or books. Other papers record discussions from Conflict Resolution Consortium seminars and plenary presentations.

The purpose of the working paper series is to generate a dialogue about the work presented. Readers are encouraged to respond to the papers either by contacting the author directly or by contacting the Consortium office.


This report consists of a partially annotated bibliography. The bibliography includes selected scholarly writings in the areas of social movements, U.S. peace movements, ideology, and small group conflict resolution. It is the result of six months research conducted during 1988 with financial support from the University of Colorado Conflict Resolution Consortium.

In Spring 1988 I began collaborating with Abigail Fuller, Lynne Ihlstrom, and Paul Wehr to study the "micro-mobilization" of peace movements on three fronts: (1) the ideologies about conflict resolution that peace activists develop; (2) the structures for resolving conflict within peace groups; and (3) the dissemination of conflict resolution processes to other social networks. This bibliography covers material for part (1) of these three components funded by the Consortium.

During Summer 1988 I began a literature search in the area of peace movement ideologies regarding alternative conflict resolution. A number of questions were posed. Do peace activists embrace positive, alternative beliefs about how to resolve international conflict - or do activists simply respond and react to governmental policies? How and when do activists articulate and reformulate such beliefs? How do peace activists negotiate ideological rifts? And finally, how do ideologies help build and sustain commitment to a peace movement? I searched three data bases: the Sociological Abstracts, the ERIC database, and the Public Affairs Information Service database. But I found few works directly relevant to the questions posed above. It is apparent that these questions are very new ones, and few studies or theories have yet been developed.

Instead I found works addressing one or two components of the questions posed. For example, there are several articles about the role of ideology in social movements; there are several works detailing the histories, structures, and strategies of peace movements. In response to this finding, I broadened the strategy. Rather than looking for specific works on peace movement ideology regarding conflict resolution, I began piecing together work in separate areas to achieve a larger synthesis. The search was divided into several components: social movements, peace movements, ideology, and small group conflict resolution. The search mushroomed into an undertaking much larger than originally proposed. It lasted throughout the summer and into the fall, yielding over 900 entries total.

From among the 900 entries, I have compiled 107 into a comprehensive bibliography. The bibliography represents a broad starting point for exploring the questions originally posed. Despite few, if any, of the works directly responding to these questions, each somehow addresses relevant and important issues. Articles included in the "Peace Movements" section of the bibliography represent nearly all sociological research addressing the movements' histories, structures, strategies, and member attitudes. The "Social Movements" section contains several articles which broadly review current and past work in general social movements research. Articles and books in the "Ideology" section address issues of ideology and belief systems within particular social movements, as well as the more general problems of understanding and defining ideology in the first place. Lastly, the "Conflict Resolution" section includes theoretical and empirical work in small group, interpersonal conflict resolution. The works included in this last section are probably the most distant from the original questions posed, indicating that this is an area most in need of new developments and research. In each section of the bibliography, then, I have tried to include all works which underpin the areas outlined by this project. Additionally, I have included several works which may seem marginally relevant, but which embody a theory or an approach applicable to our own research.

Given the contents of this bibliography, where do the research questions now stand? Clearly they have not been answered, so what might be the best approach? And what role can the larger project play in offering answers? I suggest that this bibliography provides (1) a theoretical framework and a base of general research which will inform the larger research project, and (2) a beginning point which will lead towards answers to the specific questions outlined earlier. I think we need to begin with a thorough grounding in social movements research. For example, many studies and theoretical works describe the role of ideology within social movements; several researchers have attempted to explain general beliefs as one component which attracts movement members and sustains their commitment. If we are to understand the particular beliefs addressing conflict resolution among peace activists, we need to know about social movements and ideology in general. We also need to thoroughly study the literature on peace movements. Our long-term project will include interviewing activists and looking for new answers; grasping the complex intermingling of countless peace groups and understanding the history of the movement as a whole should help us formulate clear and reasonable interview questions.

The questions we pose are new. As such, they will demand creative answers. Do peace activists deliberately ponder and formulate beliefs about global strategies for conflict resolution? If so, how and when do they formulate such beliefs? If not, what does this mean in terms of their effectiveness, both internally and for larger social change? What about internal processes among activists? Do they purposely engage in alternative routes to solving conflict? Are they somehow "realizing" their ideological goals in their own lives and among themselves? This bibliography provides a good foundation for us to begin a process of seeking the answers.


Social Movements

DeMartini, Joseph R. 1982. "Where Have All the Radicals Gone? Some Thoughts on the Consequences of Social Movement Participation." Paper presented to the American Sociological Association.

This document measures two sociological theories against patterns which emerge from six studies on former student activists. Because the existing data neither confirm nor contradict each theory, a third orientation is introduced. Briefly stated, the social integration theory suggests that former activists assume adult work roles, retreat from their former radical politics, and participate only in the traditional political system. The generational cohort perspective predicts that activists will reject full-time employment and adult careers, maintain radical political beliefs, and reject traditional forms of political participation. However, results of the six studies indicate that former activists move into adult work roles in education, human services, and creative occupations; maintain liberal/radical political beliefs and ideological preferences; and mix institutionalized and uninstitutionalized forms of political participation. These contradicting results illustrate the importance of considering the influence of political socialization before the college years. The maintenance of political beliefs and behaviors into adulthood is a result of forces operating between and within generations; political socialization is not isolated in college experiences. Thus, the three socializing forces of adult work roles, membership within a generation, and intergenerational political socialization account for how former activists integrate into adult life. (KC)

DeMartini, Joseph R. 1983. "Social Movement Participation: Political Socialization, Generational Consciousness, and Lasting Effects." Youth and Society. 15(2):195-223.

Reviews seven studies of former student activists to determine if they maintain political beliefs and behaviors consistent with those they exhibited during their participation in the earlier social movements. Explores the question of what accounts for the maintenance of, or change in, beliefs and behaviors over time. (CMG)

Granovetter, M. 1978. "The Weakness of Organization." American Journal of Sociology. 85:1017-42.

Gusfield, Joseph R. 1968. "Social Movements: The Study of Social Movements." In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 14. New York: Macmillan. Pp. 445-452.

Hirsch, Eric L. 1986. "The Creation of Political Solidarity in Social Movement Organizations." The Sociological Quarterly 27(3):373-87.

Jenkins, J. Craig. 1983. "Resource mobilization theory and the study of social movements." Annual Review of Sociology. 9:527- 53.

Klandermans, Bert and Sidney Tarrow. 1987. "Transforming Structure into Action: Comparing Social Movement Participation Across Cultures." Paper presented to the American Sociological Association.

Lang, Kurt and Gladys Engel Lang. 1968. "Collective Behavior." In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 2. New York: Macmillan. Pp. 556-65.

Marx, Gary T. and James L. Wood. 1975. "Strands of theory and research in collective behavior." Annual Review of Sociology. 1:363-428.

McAdam, Doug. 1982. "Structural Continuities in Protest Activity: The Legacy of Sixties Activism." Paper presented to the American Sociological Association.

Although recent research suggests that individuals active in social protest in the 1960's maintain their activistidentities, the structural links which allow the continuity have yet to be identified. A review of research reveals that the continuity of self-identification, political attitudes and activities, and occupational choices is influenced by proximity to and interaction with movement members; that is, structural support must exist. Radical political attitudes are generated and sustained through interaction with other like-minded individuals. One theory is that activist networks forged during the (1960's) survive in a highly fragmented form. Any given individual may only be linked to one or two others, but when aggregated, these connections can expand to a large proportion of the population. Another possibility is that individual continuities are sustained through new networks forged on a local level by former activists. Recent evidence of these networks is seen in the rapid mobilization of the anti-draft and nuclear freeze movements. Thus, in spite of the seeming disinterest in collective action, the United States could be closer to widespread protest than appearances would suggest. (KC)

Peace Movements (U.S.)

Bahr, Hans-Eckehard. 1973. " The Politicising of Everyday Life: Social Conditions of Peace." Journal of Peace Research. 10(1- 2):37-49.

Barkan, Steven E. 1979. "Strategic, Tactical, and Organizational Dilemmas of the Protest Movement Against Nuclear Power." Social Problems. 27(1):19-37.

Recent research has recognized that social movements face several problems in mobilizing the varied resources needed for success. Problems of the antinuclear movement are assessed from this viewpoint. Disagreements have occurred in the movement over four issues: focus on one issue versus a larger system of issues, definition of nonviolence, intent of civil disobedience committed by protestors, and use of affinity groups and consensus decision-making style. Tactical problems have been encountered in attempts to use criminal procedures as forums for protest.

Baur, Edward Jackson. 1977. "Mediating Environmental Disputes." Western Sociological Review. 8(1):16-24.

Increasing public concern over the environmental impacts of development projects has pointed to the need for effective ways to resolve conflicts between and among interest groups and agencies. Alternatives are needed to the excessive cost and damaging effects of direct action or litigation. Though theories of conflict reduction would preclude the use of mediation to settle these controversies, it has been employed with success. In the Snoquaimie River controversy intervenors functioned as change agents and community organizers as well as mediators. They filled roles of investigator, organizer, instructor, communicator, and facilitator. They worked in the fluid, dynamic situation of a social movement. Existing theoretical models of conflict reduction are based on institutionalized conditions of industrial disputes. They need to be revised from the perspective of collective behavior, with variations in the roles employed by the intervenor that are appropriate for the stage of the social movement from mass, through public, to institution.

Bolton, D. C. 1973. "Alienation and Action: A Study of Peace- Group Members." American Journal of Sociology. 78:537-61.

Boyes, Roger. 1975. "Politics and Pacifism." New Society. 34(683):306-7.

In West Germany conscientious objectors have been rapidly increasing since 1967. Objectors in 1957 in Germany were mainly 'religious' but now they are giving political reasons for exemption. Politicians such as Willy Brandt and Helmut Schmidt have accused the objectors of malingering. the constitution's creation of tribunals that test the validity of the objectors' claims has seriously hampered the free exercise of the exemption right. The tribunals' acceptance ratio is only 1:11. From a survey conducted in the Frankfurt-Marburg area during 1972-73, justification provided by 220 prospective objectors to the tribunal revealed these areas of motivation: (1) parallels between the military-industrial complex and the power-elite are applied to close links between senior Bundeswehr officers and industrialists, (2) a Neo-Nazi oldboy network is mentioned in connection with the arms export industry to refine the conspiratorial element of army-industry cooperation, (3) Lenin is quoted as claiming that war is an instrument of class politics, and (4) many conscientious objectors believed that West German natural interests were vested in cooperation with east European countries (a high proportion (68%) of the sample believed the reunification of germany was desirable), and (5) the day-to-day brainwashing of 16 of the sample and the destruction of the individual was an indication of the Budeswehr made to supplement other arguments. B. Miller.

Cox, Robert J. 1974. "Perspectives on Rhetorical Criticism of Movements: Antiwar Dissent, 1964-70." Western Speech. 38(4):254-68.

A study of constraints operating upon collective behavior in a social movement. The case in point is the antiwar dissent between 1964 and 1970. The constraining factors analyzed are: perceptions of the decision process, goals of reform, change agencies and their constituencies, source credibility, and message construction. The principal analytical medium is the rhetoric of the antiwar movement as preserved in audio-recordings of interviews and speeches. The symbolic behavior in a social movement both responds to and helps shape the "rhetorical situation." The crucial factor in the proper understanding of rhetorical choice is the movement leaders' perception of the decision-making process in the external environment. Other important constraints are the availability of agencies of change and the need to build a favorable image of the movement and its philosophy. S. Karganovic.

Eckhardt, W. 1972. "Attitudes of Canadian Pace Groups." Journal of Conflict Resolution. 16:341-52.

Erbe, W. 1966. "Interest in a Peace Organization." Journal of Conflict Resolution. 10:74-86.

Galtung, Johan. 1968. "Peace." In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 11. New York: Macmillan. Pp. 487-96.

Horn, Klaus. 1973. "Approaches to Social Psychology Relevant to Peace Research as Developed in the FRG." Journal of Peace Research. 10(3):305-15.

3 aspects of social-psychological peace research in the Federal Republic of Germany are outlined. In the realm of political socialization and participation, the tradition of German educational theory as advanced by the educated bourgeoisie is noticeable as an obstacle to development in the social sciences. On the other hand, forms of political solidarization have arisen, particularly in the wake of the student movement, which are establishing themselves as new mediating structures between individuals and mass organizations as well as the state. They are supposed not only to check the rise of autonomous power elites and the further development of structural violence, but also to politicize topical conflicts and to represent interests in an unhypostasized manner. The discussion of the problem of aggression is primarily theoretical. A presentation is made of the difficulties nomothetic psychology has in grasping the historic dimensions of aggression, along with theoretical and metatheoretical developments of a psychoanalytic social psychology--a psychology with a conceptual framework better suited to answer the types of questions that are posed in critical peace research. A bibliography is appended. Modified Author's Summary.

Hawkes, Nigel. 1977. " Science in Europe: The Antinuclear Movement Takes Hold." Science. 197(4309):1167-9.

French and German antinuclear movements are discussed. The antinuclear demonstration in France at Creys-Malville was directed at the world's first commercial breeder. Not only was it one of Europe's largest and most violent demonstrations, but it also had international support. The portrayal of the demonstrators by the media as misfits striking out against the establishment reduced the effectiveness of the demonstration. In regard to the number of nuclear program delays caused and total number of demonstrators, the German antinuclear movements appear to be the most effective in Europe. The most powerful demonstrations occurred in the areas of Whyl and Brokdorf. In addition to demonstrating, legal procedures were used to obstruct the building of nuclear plants. J. Schulman.

Hood, Thomas C., Anthony Ladd, and Kent Van Liere. 1980. " The National Demonstration as a Social Laboratory in the Study of the Anti-Nuclear Movement." Paper presented to the Society for the Study of Social Problems.

The 6 May 1979 antinuclear rally in Washington DC provided an occasion to study the characteristics of participants and organization of the movement. The data consist of published materials on the rally as well as a random sample survey of rally participants. Questionnaires (number of cases = 1,000) were randomly distributed in different sections of the crowd. Four hundred twenty usable questionnaires were returned. The demonstration program provided an opportunity to study the ideology of the movement and its symbolic leaders. Data on the way in which persons assembled for the rally provided information on characteristics of informal contacts and organization of the movement. Data on individuals provided a profile of the movement membership. The above characteristics combined indicate the stage to which the movement had progressed and thus may give some indication of future developments. Likewise, differences in involvements of participants in the demonstration indicate the range of potential support.

Hunt, John P. and Neil H. Katz. 1980. "Nonviolent Protest and Third Party Opinion: A Case Study of the June 1978, Seabrook, New Hampshire Anti-Nuclear Power Plant." Paper presented to the Society for the Study of Social Problems.

A recent nonviolent protest is examined in terms of the way it influenced local public opinion on the construction of a nuclear power plant. Specifically, this research addresses the following questions: (1) Do third party observers perceive the protesters as immature troublemakers or as responsible citizens? (2) To what extent does the protest group's ability to contact the public and legitimize its issue increase its appeal? (3) How do the social and ideological backgrounds of third party observers relate to the ways in which they perceive protest? The data come from closed-ended multiple choice interviews conducted by telephone among local Seabrook residents during the first month after the 24 June 1978 antinuclear power rally at Seabrook NH. The interview format includes items measuring the respondents social position characteristics, political ideology, attitude toward the construction of the power plant, number of contacts with the Clamshell organization, perceived legitimacy of the protest group, and the appeal of the protest actions. The data are analyzed by way of univariate description, bivariate cross-tabulation, and multiple regression. The findings suggest that legitimacy is connected mostly to predisposing ideologies and prior contact with the protest group. Younger people are the social segment most likely to respond to the protest's appeal. Finally, these data indicate that the grievance group's ability to generate a public perception of legitimacy may be the factor which most helps to increase support for the protest issue.

Jahn, Egbert. 1984. "Prospects and Impasses of the New Peace Movement." Bulletin of Peace Proposals. 15(1):47-56.

Jenkins, R. 1967. "Who are these Marchers?" Journal of Peace Research. 4:46-60.

Jezer, Marty. 1977. "The Socialist Potential of the No-Nuke Movement." Radical America. 11(5):63-71.

The antinuclear movement is the most radical visible protest activity in the United States at present. Its activities, organized by such groups as the Clamshell Alliance, are conducted on the models of the ban-the-bomb, civil rights, and antiwar protest activities of the past. However, the antinuclear organizers have tried to learn from the mistakes of past movements, in which people were radicalized but not politicized. Issues facing the Clamshell Alliance have included individuality versus collectivity, confrontation versus building a base, environmentalism versus economic issues, and concentration on antinuclear issues versus a multi-issue approach. A particular need is for Marxists to take part in the antinuclear movement and similar environmental movements, as the alternative is to leave such protest organizations to be controlled either by liberal environmentalists or by utopian anarchists, making fusion with the working class impossible. W. H. Stoddard.

Katz, Daniel. 1967. "Group Process and Social Integration: A System Analysis of Two Movements of Social Protest." Journal of Social Issues. 23(1):3-22.

Katz, Milton S. 1986. Ban the Bomb. New York: Greenwood Press.

Klandermans, Bert and Sidney Tarrow. 1987. "Transforming Structure into Action: Comparing Social Movement Participation Across Cultures." Paper presented to the American Sociological Association.

Layne, Neville. 1973. "Durkheim as Pacifist." Sociological Inquiry. 43(2):99-103.

Following a short introduction on the "Variants of Pacificism" and E. Durkheim's notion of "Pacifism via Solidarity" (solidarity seen as the "definite, specified rights or obligations of living inside organized society), an excerpt is presented on Durkheim's views of the relationship between pacifism and patriotism. The discussion is one between Durkheim and T. Ruyssen following an address on pacifism delivered by the latter. Analytically, it is seen as "an important application of Durkheim's approach to the relationships between solidarity and political ideology. It has historiographic importance in terms of an early critique of the 2nd Internat'al as well as of chauvinistic nationalism. It also has contemporary significant in terms of its generalized analysis of the broader structural bases attending the conflict and integration of modern pacifism and nationalism." F. Nalitt.

Lumsden, Malvern. 1978. "Peace by Peace? Socio-Economic Structures and the Role of the Peace People in Northern Ireland." Current Research on Peace and Violence. 1(1):41-52.

The movement of the Peace People of Northern Ireland is described and issues raised by their first assembly in Belfast in Oct 1977 are discussed. The issues included concern expressed by many about the role of politics in the movement, and the relationship of the policies of the peace movement to those of the British government and the security forces. The role of the Peace People is then placed in the context of prevailing socioeconomic structures resulting from Northern Ireland's peripheral and dependent relationship to the United Kingdom and the European Economic Community. More attention should be given to self-reliance strategies, but peace researchers should examine the problems of applying such strategies in divided societies, especially in the situation in which the third party either forms or is perceived to form an alliance with one of the factions in the conflict.

Nurnberger, Ralph D. 1987. "America's Peace Movement - 1900- 1986: Bridling the Passions." The Wilson Quarterly. 11(1):96- 107.

Oberschall, Anthony. 1978. "The Decline of the 1960's Social Movements." Research in Social Movements, Conflicts, and Change. 1:257-89.

Explanations are provided for the decline of the civil rights, black power, antiwar, and student movements in the United States in the early 1970s. Described are the organization structure, resource base, leadership, and activities of pacesetter groups, and the countermeasures taken by the authorities. Questions raised are to what extent were internal weaknesses, repression, and success responsible for the movements' decline, and did they bring about important changes? Findings suggest that the movements were loosely structured and tended to utilize television and media stars for movement building. Neglect of the grassroots organization speeded decline. Repression was undertaken on a large scale but proved surprisingly ineffective. Partial success shifted activists to other movements, such as feminism and environment. Though the movements did not succeed in changing the structure of United States society, they had an impact by way of pressuring elites and government agencies to commit resources for some goals sought by the movements. AA.

O'Brien, James. 1974. " The Antiwar Movement and the War." Radical America. 8(3):53-86.

The antiwar movement was composed of those people who believed the war in Vietnam was wrong and who participated in actions of varying types--demonstrations, teach-ins, petitions, work with draft resisters, G.I.'s or campaigns for peace candidates--aimed at stopping the military conflict. The antiwar movement by definition did not include all those people who passively opposed the war, or those whose self-interested actions objectively impeded the war effort. A rough estimate of the movement's size at its peak was 4 million participants, or 2% of the United States population. Although antiwar sentiment according to polls was most concentrated in low income blue collar families, the majority of war protesters were students and professionals. The period of 1965 to 1973 was marked by a protracted contest between the antiwar forces and the United States leadership over the extent of military support for the pro-American regime in southern Vietnam. The antiwar movement indirectly restrained United States intervention by furthering war-weariness among the general population, and directly checked military intervention by forcing the administration to escalate by stages rather than by one potentially decisive blow. The movement also exerted pressures electorally and legislatively. The shift from ground combat to air war and the end of the draft were decisions forced on the military in part by the domestic antiwar climate. The movement was also able to erode the ideology of anticommunism and contributed to the radicalization of some Americans. Given its restricted class base and the barriers to active political participation found in United States working class culture, the antiwar movement achieved limited but real significance. A. Karmen.

Pector, Jeff. 1978. "The Nuclear Power Industry and the Anti- Nuclear Movement." Socialist Review. 8(6):9-35.

Nuclear power represents the next logical step in energy production within a profit-seeking framework. Its profitability, however, is reduced by political conflict over the building of nuclear power plants, leading to efforts to improve the profit outlook through political measures. The recent slump of the electrical power industry has reduced the demand for new power plants. In the choice between nuclear or coal power plants, nuclear power is favored by its lowering two key costs: labor and raw materials. The nuclear industry is heavily subsidized by the federal government, both directly and indirectly. The antinuclear movement has become important only recently; its success requires that many concerns be addressed, including the failure of nuclear power to create jobs. Popular support for antinuclear measures such as slowing utility rate increases, cutting electricity demand, and requiring safeguard modifications is needed to make the nuclear industry unprofitable; the building of such support offers a basis for a movement concerned with a wider range of issues. 2 Tables. W. H. Stoddard.

Starr, Philip and William A. Pearman. 1981. " The Nuclear Protest Movement: One Year Later." Paper presented to the ESS.

T. Parsons has identified four basic problems that each social organization must solve: adaptation, goa lachievement, integration, and latency. McCarthy and Zald have identified two essential components for a social movement to succeed: internal resources, and being identified as legitimate. Utilizing this framework, analyzed is the effectiveness of a local nuclear protest group which formed in south central Pa after the "accident" at Three Mile Island on 28 Mar 1979. The evidence indicates the soundness of Parsons's and McCarthy's and Zald's analyses. It has also documented that the negative response of Metropolitan Edison, the public utility which owns and operates Three Mile Island, and the Nuclear Regulatory Commission to the continuing crisis of the accident has helped the nuclear protest group achieve legitimacy.

Steffy, Joan Marie. 1986. "A Survey of the San Francisco Peace Movement." International Journal on World Peace. 3(3):65-83.

Useem, Michael. 1972. "Ideological and Interpersonal Change in the Radical Protest Movement." Social Problems. 19(4):451-69.

The social organization necessary for a cohesive and effective radical protest movement may create considerable political and social distance between the movement and its recruitment base. However, if attempts at expanding membership do succeed, a large influx of people has the potential for undermining the radical character of the movement unless processes are present which lead to political socialization and social incorporation. Areas discussed are: higher education, the Vietnam War and conscription, the resistance movement, political perspectives before and after the resistance movement, and movement solidarity. The American draft resistance was examined re the 1960's with the above issues in mind. Interviews with nearly 100 draft resisters reveal that those lacking prior association with the radical student movement underwent extensive change in their political beliefs and communities of identification, shifting towards a much more radical perspective on United States society, increasing their estrangement from the pre-resistance mileus, and becoming more involved in protest movement networks. The incorporation processes are briefly discussed.

Van Liere, Kent D., Anthony E. Ladd, and Thomas C. Hood. 1979. "Anti-Nuclear Demonstrators: A Study of Participants in the May 6 Anti-Nuclear Demonstration." Paper presented to the MiSSA.

The antinuclear debate over generation of electric power through fission and the proliferation of nuclear weapons continues to increase in intensity. Antinuclear activities in the form of demonstrations and protests have increased significantly in recent years. Little data are available, however, which document the attitudes, social characteristics and activities of antinuclear demonstrators. Reported are the results of a questionnaire survey of participants (number of cases = 412) in the 6 May 1979 demonstration held in Washington, DC. Results indicate that attitudinally antinuclear demonstrators see the energy shortage as serious, favor conservation programs and solar energy as alternatives to nuclear power, and favor the immediate or gradual shutdown of all nuclear power plants. Analysis of other movement activities indicates that while a large portion of demonstrators have fairly extensive backgrounds in social movements, approximately 50% of the sample were mobilized in the few weeks preceding the demonstration. Finally, results indicate that the demonstrators tended to be young, well-educated, and politically liberal (as has been found in other studies of demonstration participants).

Vasquez, John A. 1976. "A Learning Theory of the American Anti- Vietnam War Movement." Journal of Peace Research. 13(4):299-314.

The radicalization of individuals and groups is discussed. While there has been considerable research on why individuals join radical groups and why different groups and individuals engage in violence, there has been little attention devoted to why groups adopt nonviolent strategies and the relationship between these nonviolent strategies and violence. Insights derived from learning theory are employed to explain and predict the strategies that will be adopted by radical groups and the sequence in which they will be adopted, given various environmental conditions. A formal model of radical social movements is presented and applied in detail to the American anti-Vietnam War movement. The case study, though strictly a theoretical analysis, lends considerable credence to numerous propositions in the model. Through the use of the model, the gap between the antiwar movement formation and movement strife is filled.

Wehr, Paul. 1978. "Nonviolence and Nuclear Terrorism." Paper presented to the International Sociological Association.

Wehr, Paul. 1986. " Nuclear Pacifism as Collective Action." Journal of Peace Research. 23(2):103-113.

Weigel, George. 1987. "America's Peace Movement - 1900-1986: A Long March." The Wilson Quarterly. 11(1):122-143.

Wiberg, H. 1968. "Social Position and Peace Philosophy." Journal of Peace Research. 3:277-92.

Woito, Robert. 1987. "America's Peace Movement - 1900-1986: Between the Wars." The Wilson Quarterly. 11(1):108-121.

Young, Nigel. 1984. "Why Peace Movements Fail." Social Alternatives. 4(1):88-95.


Aidala, Angela A. 1984. "Worldviews, Ideologies and Social Experimentation: Clarification and Replication of 'The Consciousness Reformation.'" Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion. 23(1):44-59.

A consideration of a number of conceptual and methodological ambiguities in the empirical study of cultural change as exemplified in Robert Wuthnow's The Consciousness

Reformation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976). Difficulties arise from his failure to distinguish between collective and individual-level manifestations of culture, and from the tendency to ignore the variable role of interacting collectivities for the development of symbol systems and their ability to affect behavior. An attempt is made to clarify ambiguities and replicate Wuthnow's findings using questionnaire and unstructured interview data from a sample of 398 individuals who were members of communes inspired by social movements of the late 1960s. Participants in communal movements were overwhelmingly young and adhered to nontraditional worldviews, indicating a possible cultural shift. However, affiliation with a specific ideological group had greater influence on activism than cognitive framework per se. The importance of self-conscious ideological communities for the process of cultural change is discussed.

Bauman, Zygmut. 1983. "Ideology and the Weltanschaung of the Intellectuals." Canadian Journal of Political and Social Theory. 7(1-2):104-17.

Between its origin in the aftermath of the French Revolution and its modern stage initiated by Karl Mannheim, the discursive formation of the word "ideology" displays an amazing continuity, unduly overlooked for the dramatic about-face in its dictionary meaning. Ideology belongs to a discursive formation with concepts such as "civilization" and "culture," and implies a school model of society, in which ideas play the role of the main humanizing factor and mediate in the acquisition of social identity, these processes being served and monitored by professional men of ideas. This is a model that can be best understood as an ideal projection of the intellectual mode of life, and successive modifications of the model faithfully reflect changes in the social location and function of intellectuals.

Blumer, Herbert. 1969. "Social Movements." In Studies in Social Movements: A Social Psychological Perspective, ed. B. McLaughlin. New York: Free Press.

Carlton, Eric. 1984. "Ideologies as Belief Systems." Journal of Sociology and Social Policy. 4(2):17-29.

A discussion of the relationship between belief and action. The underlying problem is how belief-intellectualized as ideology-affects or even determines social behavior. Ideology has cognitive functions, and as a mode of self-interpretation may be primarily persuasive rather than prescriptive. Ideological belief implies the acceptance of values that by definition are not susceptible of experimental validation. Belief is innocuous without physical articulation, so the truth value of ideology may only be significant insofar as it achieves social expression. The relationship between the influential nature of ideology in the institutional complex is discussed. This, in turn, necessitates a critical examination of the general interest (realist) and strain (idealist) theories of ideology, including the work of Karl Mannheim, Antonio Gramsci, and Louis Althusser, together with that of Talcott Parsons and David Apter. It is concluded that theories of ideology are diagnostically convincing but functionally suspect because they do not show how: (1) as a historical phenomenon, the ideology has been formulated; or (2) as a psychological phenomenon, it has been accepted and believed; or (3) as a social phenomenon, it has acquired the power to persuade the credulous and actually influence affairs. Ideologies are complex belief systems that involve both empirical and normative elements. They derive from values that can be expressed as beliefs, which may have an autonomous yet incalculable quality. But they also have an interiorising capacity; the difficulties of trying to isolate the determinative potential of the belief variable should not detract from its importance.

Carden, Maren Lockwood. 1978. "The Proliferation of a Social Movement: Ideology and Individual Incentives in the Feminist Movement." Research in Social Movements, Conflicts, and Change. 1:179-96.

During the 1970s, membership in the independent feminist groups (defined as those having no formal ties with established institutions) increased dramatically. Most of this growth took place through the formation of new organizations rather than through the expansion of the groups founded during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Using a modified version of resource mobilization theory, this proliferation is explained, and some of its consequences explored. Data include in-depth interviews with participants throughout the country, observation, organizations' self-reports, and movement literature. It is shown that resource mobilization theory needs to be refined at the social psychological level with the use of an analytic distinction between ideological and selective incentives. The causes of proliferation are: (1) the diversity of members' ideological incentives, based on members' varied interpretations of new feminism's broad ideology; (2) the diversity of members' selective incentives, based on members' varied skills and interests; and (3) members' common commitment to two opposing parts of the ideology-the emphasis on personal independence and the emphasis on unity through sisterhood. Consequences of organizational proliferation include: (A) the opportunity to attack many different aspects of a multifaceted problem, (B) encouragement of innovation, and (contingency coefficient) relative security from outside attack.

Downey, Gary L. 1986. " Ideology and the Clamshell Identity: Organization Dilemmas in the Anti-Nuclear Power Movement." Social Problems. 33(5):357-73.

An examination of the role of ideology in the development of organizational dilemmas in the Clamshell Alliance, an antinuclear protest group active in New England during the late 1970s. In 1977, the Alliance received national recognition for its use of consensus decision making and nonviolent civil disobedience during a highly publicized two-week incarceration following an attempted occupation of the Seabrook nuclear plant. Over the next few years, sharp internal disagreements developed over the use of these strategies, leading ultimately to a factional split. The theory from symbolic anthropology is extended to integrate the analysis of ideology into the study of resource mobilization without sacrificing the latter's emphasis on rational calculation. The analysis shows that the Alliance's antinuclear ideology established an egalitarian identity for the group which structured both the initial selection of strategies and later efforts to modify them.

Dworkin, Rosalind J. 1979. "Ideology Formation." The Sociological Quarterly. 20(3):345-58.

Three models of ideology formation are presented as possible explanations for support of feminist attitudes. The simplest is a one-step model positing a direct connection between social structural variables and ideology. The second, using the race relations literature, adds social-psychological transformation mechanisms, and the third adds peer support. The models were tested on a sample of women drawn from a small midwestern city (number of cases = 501). Step-wise regressions were computed with tests for the increment in R2. The second model held for married women; the full model only held for single women; but when peers are entered between the social-structural and the social-psychological groups, the full model holds for single and married women.

Dwyer, Lynn E. 1978. "Social Movement Success: Some Theoretical Considerations." Paper presented to the NCSA.

Movements scholars often comment that movement activists should choose the proper time for their activities. The best time, according to Oberschall (1973:140), is when social controls have weakened and other movements have had their grievances addressed. This gives potential movement adherents hope of seeing their dreams materialize. Lofland (1977) asserts that the mood of the country or area in which a movement is mobilizing should be "right" for maximal movement effect. Most writers agree that movements must have adequate ideologies which explain and elaborate the past, present, and future of the movement's issue. It also should justify movement activity, motivate, and unify members. Movement organizers should seek recruits in areas containing a fairly large number of dissatisfied people who have flexible schedules and/or considerable leisure time. The most efficient movement recruiting method pursues already organized networks of people, although this sort of membership base can cause problems later in a movement's career, as can a heterogeneous membership. The best recruiting incentive seems to be strategic success. Other incentives a movement may use include material gain or services to their recruits, friendship, and ideological satisfaction. Leadership characteristics and styles are rather controversial in movement literature, with some authors finding charismatic leaders best early and administrators late in movement development. Other researchers have found that when movement leaders and followers have different social class backgrounds, strategic success is less and factionalization more likely. Organizational style is the area of real debate among movements scholars. Some, like Gamson (1975), have found centralized and bureaucratic structures most effective. Gerlach and Hine (1970) maintain that the cellular organizational pattern is necessary for success. Again, each style has its own distinctive set of difficulties. Appropriate strategic choices seem less controversial, largely because movements are often constrained by their resources to limited sorts of tactical choices. Still, for example, the utility of violence is argued, as is the need for large amounts of money.

El Hassan, Idris Salim. 1986. "Consciousness and Ideology: A Critique of Lukacs, Althusser and Poulantzas." Dialectical Anthropology. 11(1):49-62.

The historical development of the concept of ideology is recounted from its creation by Destutt de Tracy in 1796. Karl Marx adopted this concept without distinguishing among its meanings; at least three different meanings of it appear in his writings. The efforts to develop this concept made in this century by Georg Lukacs, Louis Althusser, and Nicos Poulantzas are critically reviewed. It is argued that a broader concept of consciousness-as a historical product-needs to be distinguished from a narrower concept of ideology as a dislocated form of social discourse. W. H. Stoddard.

Eichler, Margrit. 1977. "Leadership in Social Movements." Sociological Inquiry. 47(2):99-107.

Two types of leadership styles in social movements are identified on the basis of the closed or open access to the source of legitimacy of a movement. On the basis of this criterion alone, several predictions about the decision-making process, positions of secondary leadership, shifts in policy, flow of information, degree of commitment of followers, the nature of primary relationships among followers (including sexual relationships), and the function of ideology in the movement are made. These hypotheses are then tested on four historical cases-the Nazis, the Manson family, the Millerites, and women's liberation-and confirmed. The distinction, as proposed, is therefore seen as a useful one, which has also consequences for the determination of the boundaries of social movements.

Ennis, James G. 1987. " Fields of Action: Structure in Movements' Tactical Repertoires." Sociological Forum. 2(3):520- 33.

The structure of choice among available tactics is a key to understanding the roles of individuals and organizations within a social movement. Here, a method foroperationalizing the notion of repertoires of collective action is proposed, utilizing data from a case study of a recent disarmament campaign. The tactical field faced by activists is modeled, and the dimensions of this field and the clusters of tactics within it are analyzed. Described is how individuals organized their options and how they understood the distinctive features of an innovative course of action. Such field models can illuminate ideological and organizational differentiation, as well as cooperation and competition within movements.

Foster, Gary S. 1980. "The American Agriculture Movement: Manifest and Latent Participant Attractions in a Social Movement". Mid-America Review of Sociology. 5(2):31-46.

The United States Agriculture Movement is analyzed as a social movement through data drawn primarily from news periodicals, newspapers, and various agricultural and farm journals. This movement offers a seeming paradox: an apparently economically well-off group forming what appears to be an economic protest group. Manifest and latent attractions of participation in the movement, largely expressed through its ideology, are examined, leading to the conclusion that the latent attractions are most important in resolving the paradox.

Friedland, Elaine A. 1983. " The South African Freedom Movement: Factors Influencing Its Ideological Development." Journal of Black Studies. 13(3):337-54.

The conflict between the African National Congress (ANC) and the settler-colonial government of South Africa has affected the social class distribution of the ANC's leadership group. The settler-colonial government, through combining repression directed against the ANC with the offer of prestigious and financially rewarding positions for cooperation with its colonial policy, has over time been able to induce ever larger sections of the African petite bourgeoisie to forsake their support of the ANC. Simultaneously, the ANC sought to politically mobilize the African working classes against the settler-colonial government, and as individuals of African petite bourgeois origin withdrew from leadership positions within the ANC, more and more frequently, persons elected to the ANC's leadership group came from the African industrial-service working class. Furthermore, the increasing political involvement of the African industrial-service working class, which is now the predominant socioeconomic class within the ANC's leadership group, has resulted in the ANC adopting an ideological viewpoint that seeks to revolutionize South Africa and prevent the development of any new exploiter group within the postliberated society.

Frow, John. 1985. " Discourse and Power." Economy and Society. 14(2):193-214.

An argument for reworking the concept of ideology so as to depend neither on a problematic truth and error, nor on a division of the world into two parts one of which is more real than the other, nor on an expressive relation of subjects to meaning. The political force of the concept can be retained if ideology is thought of as a provisional state of discourse (a function of its appropriation and use), rather than as a content or an inherent structure. Any discursive system produces a particular configuration of subject-positions that are the conditions of entry of individuals into discourse; but these acquire political significance only through the (historically variable) codification of discourse in terms of a play of relations of power, and the positions available can be refused or undermined. Some implications of this argument for models of the social and for discourse theory are discussed.

Giddens, Anthony. 1983. "Four Theses on Ideology." Canadian Journal of Political and Social Theory / Revue canadienne de theorie politique et sociale. 7(1-2):18-21.

Presented are the theses that: (1) the notion of ideology has to be disconnected from the philosophy of science; (2) the concept of ideology should be reformulated in relation to a theory of power and domination; (3) the analysis of ideology must come to terms with recent developments in the philosophy of language and action; and (4) the "dominant ideology conception" within social science should be opposed. S. Karganovic.

Goldstone, Jack A. 1982. "The comparative and historical study of revolutions". Annual Review of Sociology. 8:187-207.

Hamilton, Malcom B. 1987. " The Elements of the Concept of Ideology." Political Studies. 35(1):18-38.

Based on an extensive examination of the literature on the concept of ideology, some 27 definitional components or elements are identified and analyzed to ascertain their utility and coherence as definitional criteria. A number of these elements are found to be essential to the concept, and are built into a definition that allows consideration of, among other things, the expressive and justificatory dimension of beliefs often ignored in other definitions.

Hubner, Funk Sibylle and Werner Schefold. 1984. " The Challenge of Youth in the Federal Republic of Germany: No Future without Peace." Prospects. 14(2):231-36.

The psychological effects of World War II and of the nuclear age on postwar generations of German youth in both the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic are addressed. In the Federal Republic, a strong peace movement has developed that is primarily an expression of the country's youth cohort (ie, ages 15-30); its campaign for disarmament and against costly military expenditures are discussed within the larger societal framework of a general disenchantment with the ideology of technology and with the economic and political values of Western industrialized nations. Despite misunderstanding of the peace movement as evidence of an "intimidated generation" or of a new "nationalism," it is interpreted as a beneficial event in the quest for a permanent peace. Ideas from Bertrand Russell's Common Sense and Nuclear Warfare (London: Allen and Unwin, 1959) are discussed.

Johnson, Harry M. 1968. "Ideology: Ideology and the Social System." In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 7. New York: Macmillan. Pp. 76-85.

Kellner, Douglas. 1978. "Ideology, Marxism, and Advanced Capitalism." Socialist Review. 8(6[42]):37-65.

The concept of ideology originated in the French Revolution, as a concept of a theoretically based criticism of existing institutions; later Marx portrayed ideology as systems of ideas rationalizing such institutions. Lenin, on the other hand supported proletarian ideology as the expression of proletarian interests. This led to a conflict between positive concepts of ideology as political doctrine, and negative concepts of it as a system of illusions supporting ruling classes. A. Gouldner (The Dialectic of Ideology and Technology, New York: Seabury, 1976) presents a theory of ideology as ism, or as the embodiment of projects for social reconstruction. Critical theories have approached ideology as hegemony, and have suggested that the Leninist and social democratic forms of Marxism have served hegemonic functions. Oppositional ideologies, if successful, tend to be transformed into hegemonic ideologies. It must be recognized that hegemonic ideologies are not internally consistent, but contain regions embodying different values; these contradictions can form the basis for oppositional ideologies. W. H. Stoddard.

Kowalewski, David. 1980. " The Protest Uses of Symbolic Politics: The Mobilization Functions of Protester Symbolic Resources." Social Science Quarterly. 61(1):95-113.

Traditional political symbology has focused predominantly on regime symbology, whereas protester symbology has been relatively ignored. Evidence is presented that develops a resource-management approach to political protest and demonstrates that negatively privileged groups do indeed frequently and effectively manipulate their symbolic resources in mobilizing against regime authorities.

Ladd, Anthony E., Thomas C. Hood, and Kent D. Van Liere. 1983. "Ideological Themes in the Antinuclear Movement: Consensus and Diversity." Sociological Inquiry. 53(2-3):252-72.

Questionnaire survey data from demonstrators at a national antinuclear rally (number of cases = 420), and a thematic review of the antinuclear literature are used to examine ideological consensus and diversity evident in the national protest over nuclear power. Findings reveal a significant amount of overlap between the ideological themes of the movement and the individual beliefs of antinuclear demonstrators. While the demonstrators display a diversity of opinion in their reasons for opposing nuclear power, there is a consensus of belief with regard to shutting down nuclear plants and replacing them with alternative energy sources and conservation programs. Moreover, there is a consensus of belief among demonstrators regarding the values underlying their rationale for movement participation, values that both challenge and incorporate larger dominant beliefs of United States society. The implications of these findings for movement theories are suggested.

Larrain, Jorge. 1980. "Durkheim's Concept of Ideology." The Sociological Review. 28(1):129-39.

E. Durkheim's early approach treats ideology as a preconception or illusion derived from an innate predisposition of the intellect which allows individuals to adjust themselves to reality. Ideology is defined in contrast with, and as an obstacle to science. Durkheim's subsequent analysis of religion introduces a new context. Religious ideas are not illusions, but collective representations, the expression of society which seeks to reaffirm its unity. Religion does not basically differ from science since both come from the same collective source. If religion is not intellectually adequate, it is because society, like an individual, has its idiosyncracies and produces subjective elements which must be progressively rooted out. Hence, ideology seems to be the a priori condition of all subjectivity, be it individual or collective. To this extent, Durkheim's concept of ideology has not substantially changed. Individual preconceptions are replaced by the subjectivity of a hypostatized collective individual. Nevertheless, a change in the function of ideology has occurred. In the early approach ideology had the function of individual adaptation. But it was not treated as a social fact; it was just an obstacle to science, not an object to science. Within the new context ideology also has the function of expressing collective sentiments. This is why science cannot, now, refuse to grant to ideology its right to exist.

Leahy, Peter and Allan Mazur. 1978. "A Comparison of Movements Opposed to Nuclear Power, Flouridation, and Abortion." Research in Social Movements, Conflicts, and Change. 1:143-54.

Compared are citizen movements opposed to three technologies: (1) nuclear power plants, (2) fluoridation, and (3) legalized abortion. Primary data are interviews with movement leaders and movement publications. All three movements are strikingly similar in their styles of rhetoric and in the disputes among technical experts, who are central to each controversy. Characteristics of the leadership, particularly features of recruitment and the mobilization process, are also similar across movements. Leaders tend to be older, middle class, or higher, knowledgeable, appear to be well integrated into the society, have a history of political activism, and they have the time to be active. They are recruited into the movement, in large part, through prior occupational or avocational interests and organizations, and through the personal influence of friends and associates. They perceive that the innovation they oppose is dangerous, and they usually express their opposition in an ideological context. The ideology serves to differentiate the nature of the opposition in each of these movements. Leaders of the movements opposed to fluoridation and legalized abortion are usually political conservatives, while leaders of the movement against nuclear power are usually liberal. The political cast of each movement's leadership is set early in the controversy, perhaps by historical accident. The social process of recruitment acts to preserve this initial political orientation. These results derive from data on movement leaders, and do not generalize to passive members of the wider public who oppose a technology.

Lefort, Claude. 1983. "On the Genesis of Ideology in Modern Societies." Canadian Journal of Political and Social Theory / Revue canadienne de theorie politique et sociale. 7(1-2):43-83.

Ideology is not the apparatus of beliefs and arguments that provides the visible framework of collective practice, but the logic of dominant ideas that are concealed from the knowledge of social actors and reveal themselves only through interpretation. The decline in the precision of the concept of ideology through the 1960s is traced and some of the basic assumptions of Karl Marx's original concept of ideology as a "camouflaged reality" are discussed. The phenomenon of totalitarianism is used to distinguish some of the specific traits of bourgeois ideology. S. Karganovic.

Levy, Louis H. 1980. " The Uses of the Term "Ideology" in Collective Behavior." Paper presented to the Mid-South Sociological Association.

Described are the different evaluative components of the concept "ideology" as used by selected sociologists in the field of collective behavior. These evaluative components also add a political infrastructure to the study of collective behavior, as seen in the works of K. Marx, N. Smelser, J. Wilson, H. Blumer, and O. Klapp. These theorists suggest that the concept of ideology can be used as a label for negatively evaluated sets of ideas. In collective behavior there are unstated assumptions which are ideological in nature; a transformation of unstated assumption to stated ideology is needed. Also necessary is a more adequate understanding of the stated concept.

Lichtheim, George. 1965. " The Concept of Ideology." History and Theory. 14(2):164-95.

Magrass, Yale R. 1986. "Ideology and Upper Class Interest." Quarterly Journal of Ideology. 10(2):36-40.

The Marxian view that ideology reflects economic interest is examined. It is argued that there is some correspondence between structural position and ideology among members of the upper class but that the worldview of any given individual is not determined by ideology alone. The functions of ideology are identified as providing coherence to reality, offering a framework for understanding changing circumstances, and linking past, present, and future. It is argued that once an ideology is created, it takes on a life of its own and can prevent individuals from acting in their own economic self-interest. It is concluded that ideology may emerge from economic and political needs, but also structures those needs by affecting how individuals define and perceive their needs. In this way, interests themselves are products of ideology.

Marciano, Teresa D. 1986. "Anti-Millennium." Marriage and Family Review. 10(2):23-36.

A discussion of the persistence of antinuclear movements (ANMs) in the face of committed government military-industrial weapon-building. The antimillennium beliefs of ANMS are compared to the ideologies of the religious millenarist groups, with focus on: the class basis of their memberships; philosophies on the inevitability and means of world destruction; forms of activism and leadership; and views on nuclear issues. Greater ANM effectiveness will be achieved only when nuclear policy is separated from other government policies and a dialogue is established with pronuclear groups.

Marx, John H. and Holzner Burkart. 1977. " The Social Construction of Strain and Ideological Models of Grievance in Contemporary Movements." Pacific Sociological Review. 20(3):411- 38.

On the basis of a critical review of the collective behavior tradition and changes in social movements themselves, the "strain (or stress) model" is found to contain several theoretical and empirical shortcomings. An alternative approach is presented, emphasizing processes of symbolic interpretation in the creation of meanings which lead to the social construction of conceptions of strain and grievances. Such processes tend to occur in ideological primary groups where shared beliefs in collective interpretations are linked to the establishment of new models of personal and collective identity. Those models influence not only specific aspects of role performance, but also define what is to be taken as appropriate targets of indignation and anger. Symbolically articulated models of identity and grievance transcend the boundary of the ideological primary group and can be "marketed" through mass media. Modern social movements emerge as ideological contexts of identity formation and media for redefining social reality in ways presumed to be more gratifying.

Mueller, Carol M. and Charles M. Judd. 1981. "Belief Constraints and Belief Consensus: Toward an Analysis of Social Movement ideologies -- A Research Note." Social Forces. 60(1):182-7.

The resource mobilization theory used in social movement analysis does not adequately provide for the comparison of social movement ideologies. However, adapting political science methods also proves problematic for such study, where groups show a high level of consensus. These procedures are examined in a comparison of the beliefs of members of a social movement and those of a political elite. Questionnaires were completed by 188 members of the National Organization for Women (NOW), Boston chapter, and by 133 members of the Massachusetts Federation of Republican Women. The questionnaire was a 27-item measure of beliefs about women's role in society. Results showed NOW members' average beliefs to be much more feminist than those of Republican women, demonstrating a methodological flaw in traditional measures of belief structures. Alternatives for the comparative analysis of social movement ideologies are offered.

Perlman, Janice E. "Grassrooting the System." Social Policy. 7(2):4-20.

Examined are United States grassroot associations and activities of the 1970s and how the movements of the 1960s affected them. The origins, membership, size, funding, issues, and ideologies of 60 such groups are delineated, based on a 1976 study undertaken in 30 urban and rural areas in 16 states. A taxonomy of grassroots groups is presented and speculations on future activity offered.

Ryan, Barbara. 1987. "Changing Orientations in Ideology and Activism: Feminism from the mid-1970's to the Present." Paper presented at the American Sociological Association.

An analysis of how and why the contemporary women's movement has changed since the early organizing stage. Particular interest is placed on the multigroup character of the movement; thus, the major focus is on changing relations between feminist groups. Group comparisons are made between the early years and the post-1975 period in terms of ideological foundation and activist orientation, using resource mobilization perspective framed by the changing social/political climate of the late 1970s and early 1980s, based on data from field research and interviews of long-term activists from various sectors of the movement. The findings challenge the literature, which tends to reflect polarized and hierarchical categories of feminist "type." Rather than a conception of radical versus moderate feminist ideologies, these findings show the differences between groups to be related more to practice than to opposing belief systems. A second finding is a decline in antagonistic relations between feminist groups; responding to a more hostile environment, feminists have come to appreciate the need for all types of participants and all forms of activism.

Rogers, Mary F. 1981. "Ideology, Perspective, and Praxis." Human Studies. 4(2):145-64.

Phenomenology is used to unravel the major theoretical problems associated with the concept of ideology. After outlining the problems, the phenomenologists' findings are applied in an effort not only to clarify the concept but also to demonstrate the relevance of phenomenology to the study of ideology and other power-related topics. Further, the complementarity between phenomenological approaches and those sociological frameworks centered on the notion of action or praxis is demonstrated.

Sassoon, Joseph. 1984. "Ideology, Symbolic Action and Rituality in Social Movements." Social Science Information. 23(4-5):861- 73.

Within social movements, as in other social sectors, great ideologies survive only as a residue. Totalizing ideologies like social class and struggle or revolution involve the loss of references, eg, organizational structures. Based on participant observation research concerning social movements in Milan, Italy, the means by which these tendencies have abolished the organizational forms inherited from a not too distant past are analyzed. As long as the principle of organizing was emphasized in the social class struggle against capitalism and its repressive forces, social movement groups were structured along the industrial production model: hierarchial structures, the subdivision of offices and responsibilities, committees, boards, and the subordinate role of the mass (the mass as raw material). Today, the industrial power structure has changed profoundly, falling into line with the combinatory, aleatory model of cybernetic codes; and social movements have, in their turn, changed their structure. The effort toward symbolic reintegration and group rituals is perhaps the main direction of change in movement organizational forms expressing their antagonistic potential, with the groups offering alternative ways of perceiving, codifying, and constructing the social world.

Schmid, Herman. 1981. "On the Origin of Ideology." Acta Sociologica. 24(1-2):57-73.

A theory of the generation and reproduction of ideology is developed from a critique of Emile Durkheim and Louis Althusser. In a primary process, practice gives rise to spontaneous ideology. In a secondary process of sedimentation and elaboration, social forms and systematic ideologies act back on the primary process. Hegemonic ideology, expressing ultimate values and Weltanschauung, is related to class ideology, political and religious ideology, and spontaneous forms of consciousness.

Shapiro, H. 1979. "Radical Movements, Ideology, and the Sociology of Educational Ideas." Social Praxis. 6(3-4):193-215.

Demonstrated is how a particular conception of education may be understood as the expression of a specified ideology or world view. Following Marx, taken as a starting point is the notion that in class-differentiated societies, ideologies take on a class character. This view is illustrated by a study of the educational ideas of the United States radical movement between 1900 and 1925. It is suggested that a particular structure of educational ideas (called the "radical" mode of education) is the result of an ideology which is the traditional product of working class political movements.

Shils, Edward. 1968. "Ideology: The Concept and Function of Ideology." In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 7. New York: Macmillan. Pp. 66-76.

Sibley, Mulford Q. 1968. Pacifism. In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 11. New York: Macmillan. Pp. 353-57.

Simcock, Bradford L. 1979. "Developmental Aspects of Antipollution Protest in Japan." Research in Social Movements, Conflicts, and Change. 2:83-104.

Social movement theory has encouraged the interpretation of social movement activity either as a psychological response to the spread of objective deprivations, or more recently as a side effect of economic aid and social development that produces more of the resources needed to mount social movements. But a look inside the Japanese antipollution protest suggests an additional factor at work, capable of taking social movement activity in directions and to lengths only indirectly controlled by the geography of objective problems and resources, the element of symbolic interaction between ideological experts and publics affected by problems. Objective conditions and resources only set the stage for the development and spread of social movement activity: they do not control it except in certain limiting cases. Within those limits, control rests with a process of interaction between ideology and discontent; two citizens' movements, involving mercury poisoning and construction of an electric power plant, are described to illustrate this interaction process.

Stallings, Robert A. 1973. "Patterns of Belief in Social Movements." Sociological Quarterly. 14(4):465-80.

Several explanations of social movements rest on the assumption that participants are bonded together by a commonly held set of beliefs that differentiate them from nonparticipants. This is especially true of N. Smelser's theory of collective behavior and its central concept, the generalized belief. For him, generalized beliefs are those assessments of the situation, wishes, and expectations that guide collective behavior. Several previous studies of groups comprising the environmental movement have been conducted, and they have been organized around Smelser's generalized beliefs: ambiguity, anxiety identifying the agent responsible for anxiety, "cure" through normative restructuring, and the omnipotence of normative beliefs. The results disclose significant heterogeneity, especially regarding responsibility for environmental problems and visions of solutions. The patterns of beliefs within 1 focal environmental group are discussed, based on the data obtained from 100 QUESTIONNAIRE's mailed to members of the Core Group. Despite the heterogeneity reported by its members and supporters, the Core Group has been a viable and effective social movement organization. It was found that the degree of homogeneity of beliefs decreases with movement from the center to the periphery of the group. These analyses suggest that collective action by social movement organizations results from emergent internal processes and structures rather than initial consensus among movement participants.

Stone, Julius. 1968. "International Conflict Resolution." In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 7. New York: Macmillan. Pp. 507-13.

Tygart, Clarence E. 1977. "The Role of Theology Among Other "Belief" Variables for Clergy Civil Rights Activism." Review of Religious Research. 18(3):271-8.

Tygart, Clarence E. 1983. "Ideology and Social Structural Effects of Occupational Community for Social Movement Participation." California Sociologist. 6(2):169-82.

In investigating participation in social movements, David Snow, Louis A. Aurcher, and Sheldon Ekland-Olson (see SA 29:4/81L6841) questioned the effects of structural factors and possibilities for recruitment. The importance of recruitment to activist involvement was assessed with interview data from about 1,600 nonacademic employees of the Calif state college and University systems on their attitudes toward social movements occurring between 1970 and 1982 (ie, the anti-Vietnam War, ratification of the equal rights amendment, and anti-nuclear-power plants movements). Participation was found to have been greatest in the anti-Vietnam War movement. Among participants, 73% denied the influences of other persons on their movement involvement. Also, the declining support for the later movements is in part related to the shift in political attitudes for many; eg, whereas in 1970, 42% identified their attitudes as "somewhat liberal," by 1982, 41% termed their beliefs as "middle-of-the-road." Implications for belonging to an occupational community are considered.

Vora, Rajiv. 1980. "The Dilemma of the Bihar Movement." Indian Journal of Youth Affairs. 2(1):21-5.

The changing course of the student movement in Bihar, India, is detailed to show its ideological growth, organizational development, and eventual loss of momentum. The "Silent March" of Apr 1974 is described as a successful outlet for social tensions and as a reflection of the astuteness of the student leader, "JP." Many radical students subsequently became disenchanted with nonviolence and withdrew from the movement. The structure of the movement is analyzed, and reasons are given for the eventual failure of conflicting interests to consolidate.

Wallis, Roy. 1976. "Processes in the Development of Social Movements." The Scottish Journal of Sociology. 1(1):81-93.

A characteristic mode of analyzing social movements proposes that they arise on the basis of strains or relative deprivations experienced by a social constituency. Hence social movements are seen as providing explanations and remedies in the form of an ideology and goals which attract those experiencing the appropriate strain or deprivation. Movement goals and ideology are construed as objective 'facts' against which changes in presentation and practice can be measured. In the initial stages of movement mobilization the charisma of the leader is seen as a major factor, followed by institutionalization and a shift to rational-legal forms of authority and administration. An analysis of a British social movement, the Nationwide Festival of Light (NFOL) suggests that such analyses of social movements may lead to glossing of internal processes and differentiations which are always present, as distinctively different stages when viewed by sociologists distant from the 'action'. Charisma and rationality may be coexistent tensions rather than sequential phases in movement leadership, and indeed rather than charisma becoming routinized and giving way to rational-legal administration, the case of NFOL suggests that rational-legal administration may come to predominate as charismatic leadership vacates its position in the face of threatened routinization. Analysis of NFOL suggests that the notion of movement goals is a rhetorical device providing a sense of unity and continuity to the differing aims of groups and persons who seek their realization through the agency of the social movement.

Walsh, Edward J. 1978. "Mobilization Theory vis-a-vis a Mobilization Process: The Case of the United Farm Workers Movement." Research in Social Movements, Conflicts, and Change. 1:155-77.

After summarizing the "breakdown" and "solidarity" approaches to the study of mobilization, a case study is provided of the United Farm Workers' movement as a test between the two. The inadequacy of the breakdown theorists' model, especially as articulated by N. Smelser (see SA 18:4/E2846) is emphasized, but some weaknesses in current formulations of solidarity theorists are also noted. A suggestion is made, grounded in a previous analysis, that any adequate theory makes allowance for both the "great man" and the critical importance of ideology.

Wirmark, Bo. 1974. "Nonviolent Methods and the American Civil Rights Movement." Journal of Peace Research. 11(2):115-32.

Concern centers on actions undertaken to effect social change where a minimum group discipline is exerted to: (1) not initiate violence, and (2) not respond with physical violence when attacked by the opponent. A brief historical review of such events indicating the roles of various civil rights groups is followed by a discussion of the objectives (eg, voter registration, desegregation of public facilities) and tactics (marches, sit-ins) of the movement. The major concern is to develop an ideal-typical model of a local civil rights campaign, using models by Martin Oppenheimer and James H. Laue as points of departure. In addition to identifying the phases of a campaign and illustrating them with material from specific campaigns, a distinction is made between the Upper South and the Deep South, especially in the [crisis and confrontation' phase. Changes in the ideology of nonviolence are noted during the decade under question. A discussion of the effectiveness of nonviolent methods is included.

Zald, Mayer N. 1980. "Issues in the Theory of Social Movements." Current Perspectives in Social Theory. 1:61-72.

Three major areas of future resource mobilization theory and research are identified: (1) the relations between social movements and counterments and their impact on tactics and outcomes; (2) the structure and interaction of social movement "industries" striving for goal attainments within a single society; and (3) shape, size, and orientation in the social movement sector, analyzed across nations and over time. The necessity of confronting issues of symbol systems and ideology is stressed, and potential uses of semiotics and hermeneutics suggested.

Conflict Resolution (Small Group)

Bengtson, Vern Li, Eugene Grigsby, Elaine M. Corry, and Mary Hruby. 1977. "Relating Academic Research to Community Concerns: A Case Study in Collaborative Effort." The Journal of Social Issues. 33(4):75-92.

Throughout five years of a multidisciplinary research project, a group of minority community representatives became involved in decision making. Collaboration between community advocates and researchers has historically been rare, but the growing concern with new ideas of accountability in social science is likely to change this. The various groups experienced conflicts that had to be resolved by various means. This history offers a basis for suggestions for future conduct of community-related research.

Deutsch, M., Y. Epstein, D. H. Canavan, and P. Gumpert. 1967. "Strategies for Inducing Cooperation: An Experimental Study." Journal of Conflict Resolution. 11:345-60.

Grafstein, David. 1968. "A Study in Intragroup Conflict: Some Consequences of the Emergence of an Organization in Boston's Chinatown." The Cornell Journal of Social Relations. 3(1):15-26.

Gustafson, James P., Lowell Cooper, and Nancy Coalter Lathrop. 1981. "Cooperative and Clashing Interests in Small Groups: Part II. Group Narratives." Human Relations. 34(5):367-78.

In a study of small group development at the University of Wisconsin, Madison, 2 groups (number of cases = 9 and 8) met for 7 sessions each with a consultant; the meetings were taped by observers, and narratives were constructed from the proceedings. The first group could not resolve a conflict between those who sought to make contact and those who wished to remain aloof; the level of interpersonal contact was very low, and members remained dependent on the consultant. The second group used the developing conflict between "pushers" and "resisters" in a positive way, allowing cooperation to come about through acknowledgement and control of the diverse aims of subgroups. The first group's lack of progress is attributed to stresses that limited personal contact. Implications for small group capabilities and limitations are discussed. D. Dunseath.

Hensley, Thomas R. and Glen W. Griffin. 1986. "Victims of Groupthink." Journal of Conflict Resolution. 30(3):497-531.

Jacobson, Dan. 1981. "Intraparty Dissensus and Interparty Conflict Resolution." Journal of Conflict Resolution. 25(3):471- 94.

Janis, Irving L. 1982. Groupthink. 2nd Ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Kane, Rosalie A. 1975. "The Interprofessional Team as a Small Group." Social Work in Health Care. 1(1):19-32.

Conflicts in interprofessional teamwork may be as much explained by group process considerations as by the interaction of professional roles and statuses. The interprofessional team as a small group is examined using a synthesis of sources from social psychology, social group work, T-group literature, management theory, and health team research. 8 issues are considered in relation to the team as a small group: (1) the individual in the group, (2) team size, (3) group norms, (4) democracy, (5) decision-making and conflict resolution, (6) communication and structure, (7) leadership, and (8) group harmony and its relationship to group productivity. The diversity of variables hinder making any broad generalities about small team process. Modified HA. ID interprofessional team vs small group concept. conflict explanation vs roles, statuses interaction, social psychology, norms, democracy, decision-making.

London, Manuel, and Gary Howat. 1978. "The Relationship between Employee Commitment and Conflict Resolution Behavior." Journal of Vocational Behavior. 13(1):1-14.

Examined are the relationships between the use of 5 conflict-resolution strategies (withdrawing, smoothing, compromising, forcing, and confronting) and 3 measures of employee commitment (to the organization, profession, and community). Data were collected from supervisor-subordinate dyads (number of cases = 15 individuals) in 49 parks and recreation districts. The relationships varied between the different types of commitment and between supervisors and subordinates. For example, confronting was positively related to subordinates' organizational commitment. Supervisors' professional and organizational commitments were negatively related to their use of forcing. Commitment to the community was negatively related to withdrawing for the total sample. Implications of the results for the effects of increasing employee commitment are discussed.

Lundgren, David C. 1977. "Developmental Trends in the Emergence of Interpersonal Issues in T Groups." Small Group Behavior. 8(2):179-200.

A variety of work has been done on the question of whether group processes tend to show similar developmental patterns over time, leading to the general conclusion that such a pattern does exist for a variety of different groups. A typology is outlined which includes five types of interpersonal issues in groups: (1) involvement, (2) control, (3) openness, (4) solidarity, and (5) conflict. These are hypothesized to develop in a typical pattern through five stages of group processes: initial encounter, intermember conflict and confrontation of the trainer, group solidarity, exchange of interpersonal feedback, and termination. Data were gathered from five T groups with a total of 28 male and 30 female members, meeting for 17 sessions of about 2 hours each. Content themes were classified by observers with prior experience in group observational techniques. Significant patterns do appear in the relative frequencies of responses, best fitting the inclusion-control-affection cycle model proposed by W. C. Schutz (FIRO. A Three-Dimensional Theory of Interpersonal Behavior, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1958).

Reisman, Bernard. 1981. "Conflict in an Israeli Collective Community." Journal of Conflict Resolution. 25(2):237-58.

Zachary, Wayne W. 1977. "An Information Flow Model for Conflict and Fission in Small Groups." Journal of Anthropological Research. 33(4):452-73.

A new formal model of fission in small groups is constructed and tested with ethnographic data from a voluntary association. The process leading to fission is hypothesized to originate with the unequal flow of information and sentiments across the communication paths in the group, as represented by the group's social network. This flow is necessarily unequal because the communication between any pair of individuals is uniquely constrained by the contextual range and sensitivity of their relationship. The resulting differential flow of information can lead to the formation of subgroups which have a greater internal flow of information than the group as a whole, and hence are more stable than the overall group. If such stable subgroups exist, then fission will occur. This process is modeled as the flow of information through a capacitated network, ie, a graph of the group's social network, with values for the capacity for information flow given for each tie in the network. When applied to this capacitated network model, the Ford-Fulkerson algorithm allows the existence of these subgroups to be tested for, and, if they exist, their membership to be determined, thus specifying both the conditions for and the locus of the fission. When applied to data from a University organization, the model provided predictions that were 97% accurate.

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