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Children, Youth and Environments
Vol 13, No.1 (Spring 2003)
ISSN 1546-2250
Nigerian “Shade Tree Theatre” with Street Children
Irene Salami
University of Jos
with Henk van Beers
Save the Children Sweden
Citation:
Salami, Irene and Henk van Beers. “Nigerian ‘Shade Tree Theatre’ with
Street Children.” Children, Youth and Environments 13(1), Spring 2003.
pp. 23-47. Retrieved [date] from http://colorado.edu/journals/cye.
Abstract
Shade Tree
Theatre is a project with working children in the streets of Jos, Nigeria.
It aims at enabling children to analyze problems they encounter and
to come up with practical solutions to deal with them. Based on approaches
to popular education, the Shade Tree Theatre starts from the situation
of children themselves, searching for their perspectives by using theatrical
performance. This article presents the challenging process of reaching
out to children working in the streets and building rapport with them.
It describes the process of adult and peer facilitation through participation,
dialogue and critical reflection. Although the Shade Tree Theatre is
not part of existing interventions for working children, the approach
empowers children through offering routes to the development of critical
consciousness that will be of long-term benefit.
Keywords:
Introduction
About 300 million children under the age of fifteen years live in Africa.
This is almost half of the continent’s population. The average population
growth in Nigeria is 2.9 percent annually and in Nigeria, children below
18 years of age make up nearly half of the estimated 120 million people
there (World Bank 1996).
The condition
of children in developing nations is a source of great concern as the
resources available for their development are limited. For any nation,
children are its most important resources. However, these resources
cannot yield dividends without appropriate investment to convert them
into resourceful adults. Children’s optimum development and identity
formation cannot be taken for granted.
UNICEF
(1995) contends that the world will not solve her numerous problems
unless she protects and invests in children as the center of any new
development strategy. Without national programs that enable children
to grow up to realize their full potential in health, peace and dignity,
true national development is impossible (Salami 2000).
This is the background for this paper which details a participatory
project initiated by the main author within the city of Jos, Nigeria.
The project used theater as an avenue to generate new paths for street
children to develop critical awareness about problems in their daily
lives as well as possible solutions to those problems. Undergraduate
Theatre Arts and Mass Communication students from the University of
Jos took the role of facilitators after a period of intensive classroom
and workshop training during which they also practiced the various methods
among themselves.
Street
Children
Ebigbo (1988, 30) identifies two categories of street children. There
are those who hawk wares like fruits, bread, boiled corn, groundnuts
and pure water but who do not sleep on the street, as they have a home
to return to at night. On the other hand there are children who live
and survive on the street; they also hawk wares and earn money in other
ways.
In Jos,
hundreds of children are found on the streets. Very little information
is available about them. According to UNICEF, the main reason that child
merchants are found on the streets is a combination of economic and
psychological deprivation. Anthropologist Pamela Reynolds who has worked
with children in Africa and elsewhere, is in agreement with this (Swart
1990, Preface):
It is safe to say that very few children would choose to live
or work on the streets if they were given security, protection, sufficient
food and clothing, a supportive set of caring people, access to safe,
good schools and time to play.
The above
is certainly true about street children in Jos who, while on the streets,
are exposed to multiple dangers. They are especially at risk of health
hazards and of being knocked down by vehicles. Recently, Salami carried
out a pilot study with university students at the Bauchi Road Motor
Car Park in Jos which indicated that many street children, some as young
as eight years old, are also victims of coercive sexual relationships.
Generally
there are more girls on the street in Jos than boys. This is due to
male child preference. Parents would rather send boys to school than
girls. When families lack funds for basic domestic necessities, they
would rather send daughters to the streets to sell wares to bring money
home (cf. Ebigbo 1996). There are, however, many boys who come
out onto the streets in large numbers as part of their religious injunction.
They have not been studied in “Shade Tree Theatre” projects because
they are a different category of children who are not active in the
streets in the same way as street children. Ebigbo (1996, 245) refers
to these boys as Almajeri, i.e. pupils from Islamic schools.
Regarding
Nigerian children in difficult circumstances, UNICEF has found (Oloko
1992) that the factors that push children out of their homes include
physical abuse (27 percent), emotional trauma (5 percent), family misunderstandings
(8 percent), and family financial problems (24 percent). Children living
and/or working on the streets experience harsh and hazardous conditions.
They are exposed to the hot, scorching sun during the day and the bitingly
cold harmattan wind at night. The harmattan wind is a Northwesterly
wind which blows between October and February, making Jos the coldest
city in Nigeria.
Street
children have only recently gained recognition in Nigeria (UNICEF 1995;
2000). However, the national agenda has little or nothing to offer them.
Census officials never manage to count them, and, as a result, government
strategic plans for the nation’s children do not include them.
Children
and Theater
In work with both school-going and street children, Salami has found
that theater, which enables their full participation, can play a strong
role in empowering them individually and as a community (Salami 2002).
Through theater, children are able to highlight important issues in
their lives effectively.
The use of theater in participatory work with adults is becoming widespread.
It has been found to help adults identify problem areas in their lives
and to find solutions. Since 1996 when Salami first introduced a theatrical
element to research and intervention projects with street children,
she has worked in this way at twelve urban locations (1999; 2002). Theatrical
forms of communication used with, and by children, include drama, songs,
dances and puppetry, all of which are geared towards attracting the
masses. They are performed in the language and idiom best understood
by the children.
“Shade Tree Theatre”
Salami (2002) coined the term, “Shade Tree Theatre” to describe the
projects she developed with children in informal street settings. She
initiated the projects in 1996 at the University of Jos when it became
obvious that out-of-school children were denied many benefits which
school children enjoy. Nigerian school children are exposed to theater
in their schools and homes: they take part in theatrical performances
at the end of the school year and some children are also able to experience
theater by watching television or videos at home. Salami felt that theater
could provide an enjoyable and enriching experience for street children
as well as one in which children could explore their circumstances.
Her focus on projects with children at school then shifted, though not
completely, to children living and/or working on the streets and who
spend their time hawking wares, doing paid or wage-free jobs or just
lazing about on the streets (Salami 2002, 210). It soon became obvious
that there are vast opportunities in working with these children. Some
of them are illiterate and would probably avoid projects that require
written input but when the “Shade Tree Theatre” approach is used they
participate with amazing enthusiasm.
The “Shade
Tree Theatre” experience is not mere exposure to, or participation in
performance. Rather, building on Augusto Boal’s (2001) concepts of theater
and on Paulo Freire’s approach to popular education (2000), “Shade Tree
Theatre” is being used with street children to enable them to identify
problems, analyze their causes and consequences, explore and rehearse
solutions, and evaluate change (Salami 2002). In contrast to the individualistic
nature of most western education which leads to personal advancement,
popular education recognizes energy and potential within each person
and each community. It aims to empower people and communities to contribute
fully to the process of building a society in which all people are able
to meet their basic needs (Hope and Timmel 1999, 16).
The principles
of popular education are fundamental to the “Shade Tree Theatre” initiative
which encourages participation, dialogue and critical consciousness.
Working according to these principles helps to stimulate a process of
community or group problem solving by bringing members of a community
together, building community cohesiveness and enabling important issues
to be raised and discussed (Salami 2002, 204).
In its
projects with street children, “Shade Tree Theatre” starts from the
situation of the children themselves, searching for their perspectives
rather than prescribing ready made solutions. Researchers accept the
children’s reality– that they have to make a living on the streets-
and the purpose of work with the children is to enable them to deal
better with their situation. This is in contrast to many projects which
are initiated without any effort to assess children’s needs and whose
main aim is to “rescue” children by taking them off the street and providing
them with what adults consider to be their basic needs: food, shelter,
education and spiritual guidance.
The emphasis
during “Shade Tree Theatre” is on meaningful participation by the children
(cf. Johnson et al. 1998; IIED 2001). The basic principles
on which the theater operates reflect a respectful and ethical approach
in working with street children. The children and the project team meet
regularly at locations which are most convenient and comfortable for
the children. The theater takes place under any big shady tree that
is large enough to shade off the hot sun and give shelter to the children.
The children choose the topics they want to discuss and they prioritize
their problems. They also decide on how they want to present their problems.
The “Shade
Tree Theatre” takes a process approach, steadily building rapport with
a group of street children over an extended period of time without raising
expectations to assist the children materially or in kind. From the
start, objectives, process and expected outcome are made clear to the
children. As a compensation for the time children spend on the project
their wares are bought by the adults working with them. This prevents
the children from losing out materially through their participation
in the project.
The “Shade
Tree Theatre” process ensures that children are drawn into a participatory
process by setting guidelines for facilitators. They need to learn from
the children, relate to them at their own level, build on what they
know and encourage them to express themselves freely. Facilitators must
be prepared to offer praise, love and patience, to introduce humor into
activities, to acknowledge the unique nature of every child and to allow
children to enter and leave the project freely. They must acknowledge
the unique nature of every child and agree that no child is totally
ignorant.
Methodology
Target
Population, Time and Place of the Project
The children involved in this project were between 12 and 18 years old
and of both genders. Thirty-two children took part; 23 were girls and
nine were boys.
In “Shade
Tree Theatre” projects, children are not approached individually, nor
as a group, and asked to participate. Rather, their attention is drawn
by project facilitators through clowning, drumming and dancing in the
street. Children drawn by the revelry join in the singing and dancing
and follow performers to the chosen shade tree. At the end of the performance
the performers buy the children’s wares. This procedure is repeated
in various streets for three days. On the fourth day, those children
who remain are invited to spend time over the following months to share
their street experiences and problems with the adult facilitators. When
the children settled down, they were divided into three mixed gender
groups of 10, 10 and 12 children. The children in each group sat in
a semi-circle on mats with the main facilitator on the mat facing them.
The project
was carried out over a period of eight months, starting in April 2002
and ending in November 2002. During the first three months, facilitators
met with the children twice a week. The meetings then increased to three,
and sometimes four times a week, if the children required the group
to meet more often.
The project
was located in the Gada Biu Market area in Jos. It was the first time
that the theater project had been undertaken at this site, an area favored
by street children. The Gada Biu site had recently seen a high increase
in population after the main market in Jos burnt down and markets and
parking facilities were relocated to that area. Each area has its own
interest groups and gate keepers and these might change over relatively
short periods of time.
Facilitation
The facilitation team was comprised of one researcher (the main author),
six facilitators (undergraduate university students) and six peer group
facilitators (two boys and four girls drawn from the street child cohort
and who were between the ages of 16 and 18 years). The peer facilitators
served a valuable liaison function between the adult facilitators and
the younger street children. They understood their street argot better
and their presence helped the other children feel more comfortable in
the project in its early stages. The Jos “Shade Tree Theatre” team had
learnt from past experience with street children that older children
were sometimes shy of taking part, feeling they were too old to be playing
around with younger children, but that they were comfortable in the
role of facilitators. The students coached the peer facilitators on
general routines. The peer educators, in turn, instructed the students
on routines and norms of street life and on etiquette. Since peer facilitators
usually know whether street children are responding honestly or not,
this eased the process of working with the children.
The facilitators
respected the children’s views and personal history and this put the
children at ease. Hausa and Pidgin English were the languages used.
They set the mood from the first, guiding, commenting and summarizing
for the children. The empathetic role helped to develop sound interpersonal
and inter-group relations, to draw in shy children and to prevent very
vocal ones from dominating the discussions. This dynamic is common in
participatory work with children (cf. Swart-Kruger 2002, 116).
Methods
and Process
Work with the children entailed the use of participatory methods in
combination with theater (including role play, games, songs, dances
and other activities). The purpose was to enable a community group of
street children to identify and prioritize problems and to find and
rehearse their own solutions in a way similar to that of Boal’s Forum
Theatre (Boal 2001). This approach emphasizes a concept of childhood
in which children are regarded as social actors rather than as passive
beings on their way to adulthood:
Traditional
welfare approaches based on sentimentalizing children and Western
models of childhood have given way to arguments about children’s central
role in development, though couched mainly in terms of good economic
sense (investing in a future workforce) rather than political participation.
The next stage in the evolution of agency approaches is to incorporate
the challenge of treating children as social actors (Johnson et al.
1998, 176).
Participatory
engagement with the children included an activity profile, mobility
map, focus group discussions, listening survey, role-playing (termed
a code – of action) and dances. The children enjoyed these activities
and used them comfortably to speak of, or portray, sensitive issues
in their lives. The activities were also fruitful for the analysis of
children’s needs and problems, and they fostered their sustained participation
in the intervention. These activities promoted sound rapport. The triangulation
of methods yielded evidence that the children were responding honestly.
Challenges in Work with the Children
Facilitators knew from their previous work with street children that
they tend to be restless and playful. When they become restless, you
know that they are tired or bored, or that you are not operating sufficiently
on their level. Their restlessness is a barometer of the level of effective
child participation in the project. The children in this project had
high mobility and volatility because, as street vendors, they were used
to being constantly on the move to find and harangue prospective buyers.
They were also used to being always on the lookout for opportunities
and dangers.
A major
challenge in most work with street children is to keep track of the
project participants. In Jos, as in projects with other street children
in Nigeria, there were problems with getting started each day since
most of the children started hawking wares before six o’clock each morning.
They would be scattered about; none of them had wristwatches and they
had no idea of the time. Those who attended school were accessible only
before half past seven in the morning or after noon. It is possible
that, because facilitators took the trouble to search for them, the
children understood better that their input had value and this may have
influenced them to complete the project. No child was ever threatened,
or coerced, to remain.
Absenteeism
was frustrating but past experience with street children had led facilitators
to agree that children’s places would be retained for them unless they
gave notice that they wanted to withdraw voluntarily. Children who returned
might feel inadequate if their place had been taken by someone else.
However, facilitators would drop children from the project who were
spotted out adventuring rather than attending project meetings. Children
were not allowed to drift in halfway through the process or just for
the play because the whole exercise was a learning process and such
actions would disrupt the procedure for the other children. In this
project none of the children dropped out completely.
Entry
Process
Having identified a shade tree, the team sought the consent of the authorities
of the market and motor car parks. The facilitators also solicited the
support of other “gate keepers,” such as adults who sold small goods
nearby.
In seeking
their consent, the objectives, process and expected project outcome
were explained, as well as the hopes for the ways the information might
be used by the children. Gatekeepers were also reassured that the project
was not run by a religious organization, as this is a very sensitive
issue in Northern Nigeria. In one of the “Shade Tree Theatre” projects
at Nasarawa Gwom in Jos, for instance, some parents raised false alarms
that facilitators were out to convert their children from Islam to Christianity.
This led to a crisis, which was quickly controlled, but team members
were under arrest for six hours. At another location in the Moslem populated
area of Angowan Rogo, facilitators were also accused of trying to convert
the children. In 1998 too, an adult sweet (candy) seller, sitting close
by during interactions with the children, called out to other Moslems
who drove team members away. After these experiences, the “Shade Three
Theatre” team took seriously the issue of seeking consent of all “gate
keepers,” parents, and those in authority in the area.
Situation
Analysis
The project began with a situation analysis of the identified location.
The objective was to identify the main problems of street hawkers. The
main tool used was a listening survey, which could be described as an
elaborate form of focus group discussion. In the listening survey the
facilitators listened to unstructured conversations in which children,
feeling relaxed, talked about problematic issues that they have to deal
with on a daily basis. The purpose was to discover the deepest feelings
of the group and the issues about which they felt most strongly.
Because
a friendly atmosphere was set, the children were at ease to talk in
a relaxed and honest way. The facilitation team listened to unstructured
conversation on general issues. When the children had shown strong feelings
about certain issues, the facilitators focused on these and asked questions
around them. Sometimes new issues emerged during this process, ones
which the children felt even more strongly about. There was no guidance
on the topics to be discussed and the survey helped to expose the life
of the group, without any bias.
The situation
analysis revealed that:
• maltreatment
of children by relatives with whom they resided was common;
• most parents lived below the poverty line; this led to street hawking
by their children;
• some children were on the streets because they could not cope with
pressure from school;
• street hawking was more evident after school;
• children on the street were often already victims of, or they became
subjected to, sexual harassment and other abuse.
Identifying
Themes for Performance
Once the situation analysis was complete, the first step was taken in
the sequence which would lead to the development of critical awareness
in the children. It required the identification of key problem areas
(generative themes) in their street habitat. The second step would illustrate
these in theatrical performances (codes). The third and fourth steps
would entail analysis of the problem areas and suggestions for change
in attitudes and behavior to ameliorate the problems they had highlighted.
In each
of the three groups, while one facilitator monitored the discussion
the other recorded the unfolding event. Rapporteurs recorded events
in writing in so far as possible. Tape recorded and video cameras were
not used as facilitators have found that they are likely to affect the
children’s performance. In between these sessions, the facilitators
introduced games. These helped to release the children’s energy and
to calm them down so that they became more attentive. Since facilitators
knew that street children tend to have a very short attention span,
songs and dances were introduced at any time that attention dwindled.
These eased tensions and helped the children to concentrate better.
Since the
discussion was geared towards helping the children develop critical
awareness, all the facilitators did at this stage was to listen. This
enabled them to detect the issues to which the children responded with
intense feeling. Children are usually only willing to act on issues
that they feel really strongly about.
In the three groups in this project, the generative themes derived from
each were very similar. The children chose three themes in consultation
with the facilitators. The first of these was particularly new to the
team in their work with street children:
• Child
kidnap
• The risk of been knocked down by cars.
• Education as the bedrock of development.
Child kidnapping
is a form of human trafficking where kidnappers sell children to trafficking
merchants for resale into domestic service, prostitution and child labor.
The phenomenon has received wide media coverage in Nigeria but appeared
to be relatively new at the time of this project and had yet to be researched.
With regard to road accidents, many street children had been victims
because they maneuvered their way between moving vehicles and crossed
roads on impulse without checking for oncoming cars properly. The children
believed education to be important, but difficult to attain, since some
were on the street from morning until night while others attended school
and resumed work on the street at midday. The children not in school
could not afford to go to school because their parents needed the money
yielded by their business deals.
The children
discussed these three themes with great passion. The issue of child
kidnapping brought nearly all of the groups to tears.
Once the
children had decided on the themes, they discussed and decided on the
most relevant aspects to be highlighted. Each group discussed how best
to present their problem so that other children would be able to identify
with it, develop a changed attitude towards it, and generate fruitful
action to alleviate it.
After this,
they brainstormed on the most powerful way to project the themes theatrically.
They considered matters such as the circumstances, the feelings involved
and the challenges to be presented. The facilitators had to step in
by clapping their hands three times to generate order, as discussion
led to arguments and the work sessions became rowdy.
Codes
Scenarios that are adopted and developed for theatrical performance
are called codes.
A code
is a concrete presentation of a familiar problem about which the group
has strong feelings. A code could take the form of a poster, a play,
a slide, film, poem, song, newspaper articles, picture, painting, story,
proverb or riddle (Hope and Timmel 1999, 75). A code presents to children,
in a familiar way, topics they might have discussed in a confused way
(Hope and Timmel 1999, 76). In the “Shade Tree Theatre” projects, a
play is the most commonly used code. However, stories, pictures, proverbs
and newspaper articles are also used often to stimulate action and raise
questions. Codes do not offer solutions. Solutions arise when actions
taken lead to transformation or change in attitude. The essence of developing
codes is to motivate children to see that “the way things are now is
not the only way that they could be” so that they can take responsibility
for shaping their lives and their community. This notion of transformation
derives from Paulo Freire (2000).
As the
children settled down to prepare their codes– this happened in the last
five months of the project- their focus was on the three generative
themes they had chosen earlier. While they discussed their themes the
children became alive, became excited, showed deep concern, and at other
times, expressed strong disagreement on issues or shouted at the tops
of their voices. These responses showed how fully they were engaging
with the themes because the purpose of the code is to stimulate discussion
and to enable the children to analyze the situation they are in.
In preparing
their codes the children were careful to deal with themes about which
they felt strongly. They selected simple and comprehensible scenes that
could raise awareness and stimulate questions about the children’s daily
situation and they ensured that these scenes were also strong enough
to arouse emotion.
When they
were ready, the three groups settled down and started to put their plays
together, discussing, shaping and rehearsing them. This, together with
the analysis after the performance, took up the last three months of
the project. Each group of street children was assisted by five facilitators.
Exploration
During the exploratory stage (five days) children went out to collect
accurate facts or data on the generative theme they had selected from
the three themes agreed on by all the children for exploration. They
brought their information to the next meeting, which was the discussion
session.
Discussion
Children discussed the facts they had gathered from their various outings.
This was a very critical stage in which facilitators had to intervene
several times when discussions became boisterous. Children were shouting
at the tops of their voices as each one wanted to be heard and to have
his or her ideas welcomed. Group facilitators would stop the session
by clapping three times as agreed at the start of the project. They
reminded the children of the ground rules that had been jointly agreed
on; this included the necessity for children wanting to speak, to raise
their hands. Facilitators also reminded the children that there were
no right and wrong contributions. There were only details that were
of greater or lesser relevance. Group discussions took two hours.
Shaping
The shaping stage was set for a later meeting date, by which time children
had settled down and had thought through their ideas. Children polished
their group plays by trying to package proper storylines that flowed
without distractions or unnecessary length. In this process the children,
assisted by their facilitator, decided what was to be retained or discarded.
The facilitator would encourage children to consider why they wanted
to discard particular ideas and sometimes ideas that were to be discarded
were retained as a consequence. When the children placed the more relevant
ideas in proper perspective the play took on a meaningful shape.
The children
needed little encouragement from the facilitators to introduce dances,
songs and drumming into all the codes; however, they had to ensure that
these were inserted at the appropriate places. The boys decided to use
puppets in their code for illiteracy and the girls who worked on the
child kidnapping code decided to present a mime. The children found
these ideas exciting.
Rehearsal
With the code well-defined, the children did the casting and then rehearsals
followed. The theatrical elements of song, dance, music, mime and puppetry
made the codes lively.
The rehearsal
was an important aspect of the learning process. It helped the children
to improve their skills. It became necessary to separate the girls from
the boys, as they seemed to work better that way. The boys dominated,
but did not bully, the girls. Despite the fact that there were many
more girls than boys, they were far shyer and did not open up easily;
some of them were also Moslem and it was immoral for them to interact
too closely with the boys.
The boys’
group chose to act the code on illiteracy (generative theme: education
as the bedrock of development). Through the listening survey, facilitators
had discovered that almost two-thirds of the boys were out of school
and about a third of them were on the streets to raise money to become
an apprentice to a mechanic, welder, vulcanizer, etc. The two girls’
groups acted the themes of child kidnap and being knocked down by cars.
As the
facilitators continued to help the boys and girls, a genuine relationship
grew between the adults and children and a sense of comradeship developed
between the children themselves. The constancy of this relationship
bolstered the children’s self-esteem and helped them to overcome fear.
Children on the African continent are firmly schooled in the importance
of behaving courteously towards adults. Although the street children
presented a brash front, they feared being considered rude by adults
just as any other African child would. As a consequence, they reacted
in an inhibited way until they felt accepted and able to open up. The
strong rapport that was built helped to stimulate and encourage active
participation by the children. It was further facilitated by the children’s
involvement in the theatrical components of the project. As soon as
their inhibitions were broken, the tension of fear disappeared and this
made the children more relaxed and interactive. This process is recognized
in theater and is consciously achieved through the use of games, songs
and dances; it has been named Via Negativa by Jerzy Grotowski
(1991).
Presentation
On the day of the presentation the children reported earlier than usual,
as facilitators had pleaded with them to do. The problem of having to
scout around for about ten kilometers in search of some of them did
not arise. They were all ready and waiting.
The facilitation team bought up their wares. This was like an antidote
to the excited children and it relaxed them. The performance attracted
many people around the Gada Biu area. This is something that facilitators
rarely encourage, since the whole exercise is meant as a learning process
for the children.
The young
performers were free to use any language. Any costumes they used were
items taken from their mates. No code took more than five minutes. At
the conclusion of the performances the children were very pleased with
themselves. The response from the crowd was fun for them.
As the
performance ended, the children settled down for the analysis with their
facilitators. Those who had acted discussed their roles in the plays,
and those who had not acted discussed their observations of events.
After this the children came together for the general analysis of each
code (play); these had been titled:
• “The
Kidnapping of Asabe”
• “How a Car Knocked Ngozi Down”
• “Education is Good”
These codes
were based on situations experienced by children in Nigerian streets
but they were not the true stories of any children in the project. When
the discussions ended, facilitators led the children through a series
of analytical discussions about the three plays. The purpose was to
get to the root causes of their problems.
Analysis
Effect
of the Plays
The facilitators asked each child to describe the play either as an
observer or as a participant. The children were all anxious to be heard,
stretching to raise their hands. The girls and boys also answered questions
about what they felt as they acted their roles or, if they had been
observers, what they had felt as they watched the plays.
Facilitators
then introduced David Werner’s “But why?” method (Werner et al., 1992)
in probing with the children, who were asked:
“What
were you doing playing … [a particular role]?”
“Why did you do this?” or
“Why did you do that?”
This stage
helped the children to move from observation into thinking about their
actions.
Real
Life Experiences
At the end of this session the children were fully involved in the process
and did not allow any discussion to bypass them. Their attention by
now was focused on the main issues. When the facilitator asked, “Does
this happen in real life?” they all shouted: “Yes na” or “Yes ke.”1
Then six children were asked to relate life experiences of what had
been portrayed in the plays; two examples were required for each of
their plays. This was a lengthy process as they took time to narrate,
in detail, life situations of challenges in the motor car park. When
a girl of nine years narrated how she was nearly kidnapped,2
the atmosphere became still. The children who were clamoring to be heard
earlier suddenly became silent. At this stage it was obvious that the
reality of their lives on the street had suddenly dawned on them.
Related
Problems
Facilitators asked the children to relate other problems associated
with the main problems they had depicted in the three plays. One boy
mentioned blindness. As he was being shouted down, he quickly explained
that an illiterate person is a blind person desiring someone else to
show him the way, all the time. Everyone present found this to be an
amazing insight. Others mentioned poverty, poor health and hygiene as
problems associated with illiteracy. For the danger of being knocked
down by cars, they mentioned the problems of poverty, accidents, and
the necessity to sell wares on the street. For kidnapping they mentioned
poverty, separation from family, death and rape as related problems.
The children chose one outstanding problem for each play: poverty for
the problem of illiteracy, car accidents for the risk of children being
knocked down, and separation from other family members for child kidnapping.
Root
Causes
The facilitators then challenged the children to find the root causes
of illiteracy, child kidnap and risks of being knocked down by a car.
They used the “But why?” method (Werner et al. 1992). For instance,
for illiteracy, the children were asked why they were on the street
and not in school. For example,
“Why
are you not in school?”
“Because I have to sell bread for my mother.”
“But why?”
“She needs the money to feed us.”
“But why?”
“Because my father cannot afford to feed us.”
“But why?”
“He lost his job some years ago.”
“But why?”
“His employers said they could no longer pay him.”
“But why?”
“They had no raw materials to carry on with production.”
The children
discovered that the bottom line for all of the problems was poverty,
but for child kidnapping, it was both greed and poverty. At this stage
the facilitators moved on to the action plan.
Action
Planning
Finding that the children were ready for transformation (i.e., for thinking
about solutions to their problems), the facilitators asked the children
what they could do about the situation that they found themselves in.
The children were asked to go back to their groups and discuss actions
that could be taken to improve their lives on the streets. After the
discussions, the groups came together and group leaders shared their
group’s ideas about actions that might be taken to help alleviate the
problems depicted in the codes.
The groups
offered several suggestions: Facilitators could help organize school
at the park for those who could not get to school at all. They could
organize help with homework or extra lessons at the park. Facilitators
could speak to the government on behalf of the children to get up a
multipurpose school established at the park. The children suggested
that such a school should have flexible timing so as to take their peak
periods of business into consideration. They pleaded with facilitators
to sensitize their parents and guardians to the importance of education
for every child.
As regards
child kidnapping, the children suggested ways of resisting advances
from strangers. They warned that children should refuse prolonged interaction
with them. They suggested ways of resisting molesters.
In discussing
the situation of being knocked down by cars, they all agreed that running
after cars and crossing roads between oncoming vehicles to sell wares
was dangerous. They resolved to distance themselves from cars and only
to call out to customers. They agreed that if they stayed away from
car tracks, customers would park their cars to buy from them. All their
suggestions were written down by the facilitators.
Follow-up
Action
It is difficult to evaluate initiatives undertaken with children in
the streets because of their mobility. On the follow-up visit to Gada
Biu Market it was possible to locate only 15 children of the 32 in the
project. These 15 were found over a period of three weeks at different
times and at different locations in Jos. It was difficult to access
even those 15 as they were more concerned with their business dealings
than with speaking to the facilitators.
It was
not easy to find out whether the project had made any impact on them.
They regarded the facilitators only as friends who had stopped for a
moment to greet them and they did not want to linger and take up business
time in talking. Three of the children still had a strong desire to
return to school. One girl had been forced to marry a man 35 years her
senior. The children said mostly that they appreciated the tips they
had gathered on how to work more safely. They mentioned the tips about
kidnapping, especially.
Evaluation
should, ideally, be carried out citywide on a single day. Large numbers
of facilitators would be required to make this possible, however. If
evaluation is not done concurrently it is possible for children who
have already taken part in the evaluation to influence others by telling
them in detail about the evaluation procedure.
After the
study, facilitators spoke to the market and motor car park authorities,
especially on the issue of children running to the road to sell to car
passengers. There are now uniformed men who restrain the children from
the road. It is difficult to say that children are more careful since
the project because children from other parks also come to the Gada
Biu to trade.
The “Shade
Tree Theatre” director normally gives a written report of each project
to the State Ministry of Education. The response has not been encouraging.
This was also the case with those few parents whom facilitators managed
to reach. They did not react positively to the information about the
themes identified by the children. They claimed that they needed the
money from the sales of their children and wards, and therefore it was
not possible to keep them in school. Ebigbo (1996) has described how
parents try to prepare their very young daughters, in a small way, to
suffer less if they are sexually abused while out hawking wares, rather
than to make an effort to get them into school.
The “Shade
Tree Theatre” team has neither the funds nor the capacity to solve the
problems of street children. It has become clear that to address the
problems they raised, parents and guardians have to be personally empowered.
However, the project team hopes to have given the children new techniques
for thinking through problems in their lives.
Conclusion
Working with street children is difficult and challenging. They are
keen business people, mobile and restless. The strategy of buying up
their wares makes it possible to engage with them because they take
the business of earning money very seriously.
Contrary to most projects for street children which are couched in terms
of what adults believe should be done for, or about, street children
(cf. van Beers 2002, 20-33), “Shade Tree Theatre” does not result in
taking children out of the street, nor is it the main purpose in engaging
with the children. Rather, the aim is to help them to manage their time
on the streets in such a way that personal jeopardy is reduced.
Much of
the engagement of children in “Shade Tree Theatre” can be categorized
as participatory research with children. Although adults have designed
the basic process, it is modified and shaped increasingly by the children.
In preparing the plays, the children collect information which they
analyze in further discussion; they verify the information and prioritize
problems in their lives that they want to address. Subsequently the
children decide on the content of their plays and the performance style.
After their performances the children sit down and start discussing
possible solutions to their problems.
During
the whole “Shade Tree Theatre” process the children are seen as having
the expertise and the primary knowledge necessary to address their own
personal problems. The most important role of the facilitators in this
project, as in any effective participatory learning process, is to “facilitate
the learning process of participants through promoting exposure and
sharing the analysis of participants’ experiences” (van Beers 2002,
36).
When doing
research with children, analysis is the most difficult activity in which
to involve them; it requires time, patience and creativity. Often a
shortcut is taken: after identifying problems the focus is on solutions.
This may be especially tempting when children present problems that
appear, to adults, to be quite simple and straightforward. Analysis
is often considered to be too complicated or too academic to undertake
with children. “Shade Tree Theatre” enables street children to engage
in data analysis with adults by combining a number of methods such as
play, questions and answers (“But why?”), and discussion. In the “Shade
Tree Theatre” process, children are found to be well capable of analyzing
even complex information.
“Shade
Tree Theatre” also stresses that any research that involves children
should be in the interest of the children themselves. The project constitutes
action research aimed at helping children to come up with practical
solutions for the problems they encounter in everyday life. If it were
possible to link the “Shade Tree Theatre” project with already existing
programs to assist street children it might be possible to address more
of the issues raised by the children. At present, parents and government
agencies do not follow up on the findings of the “Shade Tree Theatre”
project. As noted above, there appears to be a lack of interest by the
authorities in child-focused development programs. Until this changes,
it will be difficult to take matters forward.
It is possible
that parents would find income-generation by their children less necessary
if government, corporate organizations, multinationals and local banks
could offer them micro-lending facilities and also expand the Nigerian
Poverty Education Programme to include more people.
Even a
sensitization program, however, would go a long way towards making all
stake-holders more conscientious. Therefore, a difficult, but possibly
the only way to move ahead, might be to take a process approach with
the authorities, the children’s parents and other members of the community.
This process would be similar to that used with the children in so far
as the development of critical reasoning is facilitated and it would
be problem oriented. Such a process might enable adults to understand
and analyze their own problems which they encounter in executing their
responsibilities in safeguarding the rights of children. Ideally, it
would be a joint process which would involve the children as well, because
all perspectives and priorities need to be taken into account and each
actor has a role to play in dealing with the problems.
Endnotes
1."Yes na" or "yes ke" is Pidgin English. This is
a way of emphasizing agreement, similar to: "Of course, yes."
2. The nine year-old-girl said that she had entered the motor car park
at Gada Biu as early as 6 a.m. to sell bread when a man and a woman
approached her asking to buy bread. They bought two loaves of bread
for 40 Naira (about 30 cents) but gave her a two hundred Naira note.
When she gave them change, they asked her to keep it and left. Shortly
after, they returned and asked her where the public toilet was. She
tried to give them directions but they persuaded her to take them there.
When she did they said that they didn't like the place and asked her
to take them to a bush nearby. When the girl hesitated they gave her
a five hundred Naira note. She became suspicious. The woman held her
hand and began to lead her on. As she got to the motor car park gate
she raised the alarm by calling out and the couple took to their heels.
Irene Isoken Salami is a Senior Lecturer at the University
of Jos in Nigeria, Director of the University of Jos’ American corner,
and Coordinator of the university’s American Studies program. She is
President of the National Association of Women in Academics (NAWACS),
Vice President of the Society of Nigerian Theatre Artists (SONTA), Secretary
General of the Nigerian PRA Network (NIPRANET), and a Member of the
University of Jos Strategic Planning Committee. Her BAHons and MA degrees
were in Theatre Arts and her Ph.D. was in Drama in Education. She has
a strong commitment to the role that theatre can play in research, education
and development programs with women and children.
Henk
van Beers has been working on children's rights issues since
the late eighties. He is currently working as an advisor on children’s
participation for Save the Children Sweden and is based in Hanoi, Southeast
Asia and the Pacific Regional Office. From 1995 to 2000 he was involved
in capacity building on children's participation and organizational
development for organizations assisting street and working children
in Kenya. His background is in social work (Bachelor’s) and human rights
(Masters) with a specialization in children's rights.
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