SOME REFLECTIONS ON RATIONALITY
Our previous discussion of rationality ended in a polarization of
opinion between Tom, who argued that most social action can be
understood in terms of rational behavior, as an expression of
rationality broadly defined as adequacy of means to ends, and
others who argued that most people behaved in non-rational ways,
meaning that most social action did not reflect a process of
selection of adequate means, but ideologies, norms, tradition,
and/ or psychological factors. A different criticism had to do
with the proper object of sociology as a discipline which is
qualitatively different from economics; economics studies the
rational optimizing, calculating behavior of individuals, while
sociology is the study of the unanticipated consequences of
behavior.
Today I would like to present some reflections about these
issues, about the difference between sociology and economics,
about rational and normative behavior, and about the contribution
of historical materialism to the understanding of the place of
rationality in social theory and research. The substance of what
I intend to say can be stated as follows:
Economics is all about how people make choices.
Sociology is all about why they don't have any choices
to make. Historical materialism is all about how and why
people make historically specific choices.
To illustrate my points, I will use a concrete example: the
analysis of fertility behavior:
The Economic Theory of Fertility:
Children are viewed as consumer durables or as household produced
goods. Households (like firms) behave rationally, maximizing their
utility in a context of scarcity. If children are consumer goods
in competition with other goods, the determinants of fertility are
households' taste (which are taken as given), and income and price
constraints. If children are household produced goods, as they
are labor intensive goods, fertility will be a function of taste,
income, prices, and time constraints or opportunity costs.
A key aspect of this perspective is the importance given to house-
hold choice. Households rationally choose, among various bundles
of children and commodities, that which maximizes their utility.
The sociological criticism
Sociologically, people make their rational and voluntary repro-
ductive choices in an institutional context that constrains them
not to choose non-marriage, not to choose childlessness, not to
choose only one child, and even not to limit themselves to two
children. Parents cannot freely choose the quality and quantity of
children. Quantity interacts with quality (only children have
problems). Parents are not free to choose between possible
combinations of high and low quality of children and must comply
with socially established minimum standards of child quality.
Unlike consumer durables, children cannot be returned if they do
not conform to expectations and society intervenes when, in
extreme cases, parents make socially unacceptable choices (such as
asking doctors not to feed babies with certain physical defects).
Fertility does not reflect households or individuals' taste for
children, but social norms about desired family size.
In my view, it is as misleading and one sided to see social action
simply as rational action, as it is to reject rationality and
adopt an oversocialized model of social actors. Rational choice
theory asks us not to reduce individuals to black boxes that
connect structures, while sociologists reminds us that individuals
always act in a pre-given, pre-existent social context. Each
perspective rests upon the radical separation between individuals
and society; from the standpoint of historical materialism, that
separation can be overcome through the realization that each
discipline deals with different levels of reality or patterns of
determination (ideology, and the market) which, dialectically, are
parts of a greater totality that includes a mode production and
corresponding class relations.
Historical materialism deals with the connections between the
capitalist mode of production and class relations, market level
relations between individuals, and their political, ideological
and legal conditions of reproduction through time.
From this standpoint, formal rationality (the adequacy of
means to ends) in isolation from its historical context, is
insufficient to explain behavior. For example, formally rational
behavior can result in families of different sizes but to know
whether any given size is rational or not, one has to go outside
the behavior itself. Having only one child would go against the
dominant norms in most Third World countries whereas having large
families is irrational in the context of developed countries. To
know whether an action is rational or not one needs to know more
than whether the means were adequate to the ends. Sociologically
the something more has to do with norms, values or ideologies. For
historical materialism the something more has to do with the kinds
of opportunity structures open to different classes and sectors of
classes and the relationschip between those differentiated options
and the overall logic of the mode of production as a whole.
There are three ways of conceptualizing rationality:
The general principle of rationality (all behavior is
rational behavior and rational behavior, whatever its goal, is
optimizing or, more modestly, satisficing behavior) reflects a
universal feature of human nature. The classical economists
deduced the capitalist system of free competition from human
nature: i.e., from the rational behavior of individuals who, in
pursuit of their selfish goals, create a system that benefits the
collectivity. This is an ideal pseudoorigin of capitalism, the
classical apologia for the system.
Rationality is a product of capitalist development. Before
capitalism, people behaved in traditional ways. The notion of a
modernization process, the transition from traditional society
and a traditional, natural economy, to modern society, ruled by
reason and characterized by an economy based on rational
individual behavior. The rationality principle appears with the
development of money, commodity production and generalized
exchange, which made it necessary to seek maximum profits, keep
books, and engage in optimizing calculations. The spread of eco-
nomic rationality or, in Max Weber's terms, the process of
rationalization of the world follows.
Rationality is is always historical; i.e., a behavior is
considered rational only within the context of its conditions of
possibility which establish both the means and the ends of social
action. There is a connection between the rationality of
individuals and the rationality of the social system in which they
live and make choices. Under capitalist conditions, individuals
make choices in the context of class, race and sexual relations
characterized by exploitation and inequality. Voluntary rational
social actions rest upon unfree, coerced and narrow options. The
level of analysis of market and social relations is the sphere of
Freedom, Equality and Property and Bentham; buyers and sellers of
commodities and people making choices and entering in relations
with others are constrained only by their free will. At the level
of class, race and gender relations there is neither freedom nor
equality and the rationality of those who are absolutely or
relatively powerless is subordinate to the rationality of the
dominant classes. Rational behavior among workers, non-whites and
women is rational in so far as it fits within the logic of class
domination, profit maximization, and racial and gender domination.
For example, the U.S. capitalist class celebrates the struggles of
solidarity in Poland while at the same time doing its best to
do away with unions in the U.S. Today only 15% of the labor force
is unionized; workers rationally and freely chose to give up gains
obtained through long struggles.
Max Weber aware - quotes - value and means - Marx brings
those together.
Reliance on a general principle of rationality assumes that
teaching people to behave rationally will somehow change their
behavior. Concretely, the teaching of family planning and making
contraceptives available is unlikely to lead to changes in family
size, in the absence of concomitant changes in the opportunity
structure of men and women and in the power relations between the
sexes. Family planningi