From coatesrd@casmail.muohio.edu
Date: Wed, 01 May 96 16:12:39 +0
From: Rodney Coates <coatesrd@casmail.muohio.edu>
To: PROGRESSIVE SOCIOLOGISTS NETWORK <psn@csf.colorado.edu>
Subject: POSTMODERN BLACKNESS

POSTMODERN BLACKNESS

by

BELL HOOKS

                         Oberlin College
       Copyright (c) 1990 by bell hooks, all rights reserved
          _Postmodern Culture_ vol. 1, no. 1 (Sep. 1990).

[1] Postmodernist discourses are often exclusionary

even when, having been accused of lacking concrete

relevance, they call attention to and appropriate the

experience of "difference" and "otherness" in order to

provide themselves with oppositional political meaning,

legitimacy, and immediacy. Very few African-American

intellectuals have talked or written about

postmodernism. Recently at a dinner party, I talked

about trying to grapple with the significance of

postmodernism for contemporary black experience. It

was one of those social gatherings where only one other

black person was present. The setting quickly became a

field of contestation. I was told by the other black

person that I was wasting my time, that "this stuff

does not relate in any way to what's happening with

black people." Speaking in the presence of a group of

white onlookers, staring at us as though this

encounter was staged for their benefit, we engaged in a

passionate discussion about black experience.

Apparently, no one sympathized with my insistence that

racism is perpetuated when blackness is associated

solely with concrete gut level experience conceived

either as opposing or having no connection to abstract

thinking and the production of critical theory. The

idea that there is no meaningful connection between

black experience and critical thinking about aesthetics

or culture must be continually interrogated.

[2] My defense of postmodernism and its relevance to

black folks sounded good but I worried that I lacked

conviction, largely because I approach the subject

cautiously and with suspicion. Disturbed not so much

by the "sense" of postmodernism but by the conventional

language used when it is written or talked about and by

those who speak it, I find myself on the outside of the

discourse looking in. As a discursive practice it is

dominated primarily by the voices of white male

intellectuals and/or academic elites who speak to and

about one another with coded familiarity. Reading and

studying their writing to understand postmodernism in

its multiple manifestations, I appreciate it but feel

little inclination to ally myself with the academic

hierarchy and exclusivity pervasive in the movement

today.

[3] Critical of most writing on postmodernism, I

perhaps am more conscious of the way in which the focus

on "otherness and difference" that is often alluded to

in these works seems to have little concrete impact as

an analysis or standpoint that might change the nature

and direction of postmodernist theory. Since much of

this theory has been constructed in reaction to and

against high modernism, there is seldom any mention of

black experience or writings by black people in this

work, specifically black women (though in more recent

work one may see reference to Cornel West, the black

male scholar who has most engaged postmodernist

discourse). Even if an aspect of black culture is the

subject of postmodern critical writing the works cited

will usually be those of black men. A work that comes

immediately to mind is Andrew Ross' chapter "Hip, and

the Long Front of Color" in _No Respect: Intellectuals

and Popular Culture_; though an interesting reading, it

constructs black culture as though black women have had

no role in black cultural production. At the end of

Meaghan Morris' discussion of postmodernism included in

her collection of essays _The Pirate's Fiance: Feminism

and Postmodernism_, she provides a bibliography of

works by women, identifying them as important

contributions to a discourse on postmodernism that

offers new insight as well as challenging male

theoretical hegemony. Even though many of the works do

not directly address postmodernism, they address

similar concerns. There are no references to work by

black women.

[4] The failure to recognize a critical black presence

in the culture and in most scholarship and writing on

postmodernism compels a black reader, particularly a

black female reader, to interrogate her interest in a

subject where those who discuss and write about it seem

not to know black women exist or to even consider the

possibility that we might be somewhere writing or

saying something that should be listened to, or

producing art that should be seen, heard, approached

with intellectual seriousness. This is especially the

case with works that go on and on about the way in

which postmodernist discourse has opened up a

theoretical terrain where "difference and otherness"

can be considered legitimate issues in the academy.

Confronting both the lack of recognition of black

female presence that much postmodernist theory

reinscribes and the resistance on the part of most

black folks to hearing about real connections between

postmodernism and black experience, I enter a

discourse, a practice, where there may be no ready

audience for my words, no clear listener, uncertain,

then, that my voice can or will be heard.

[5] During the Sixties, black power movements were

influenced by perspectives that could be easily labeled

modernist. Certainly many of the ways black folks

addressed issues of identity conformed to a modernist

universalizing agenda. There was little critique among

black militants of patriarchy as a master narrative.

Despite the fact that black power ideology reflected a

modernist sensibility, these elements were soon

rendered irrelevant as militant protest was stifled by

a powerful repressive *postmodern* state. The period

directly after the black power movement was a time when

major news magazines carried articles with cocky

headlines like "what ever happened to Black America?"

This was an ironic reply to the aggressive unmet demand

by decentered, marginalized black subjects who had at

least for the moment successfully demanded a hearing,

who had made it possible for black liberation to be a

national political agenda. In the wake of the black

power movement, after so many rebels were slaughtered

and lost, many of these voices were silenced by a

repressive state and others became inarticulate; it has

become necessary to find new avenues for transmitting

the messages of black liberation struggle, new ways to

talk about racism and other politics of domination.

Radical postmodernist practice, most powerfully

conceptualized as a "politics of difference," should

incorporate the voices of displaced, marginalized,

exploited, and oppressed black people.

[6] It is sadly ironic that the contemporary discourse

which talks the most about heterogeneity, the

decentered subject, declaring breakthroughs that allow

recognition of otherness, still directs its critical

voice primarily to a specialized audience, one that

shares a common language rooted in the very master

narratives it claims to challenge. If radical

postmodernist thinking is to have a transformative

impact then a critical break with the notion of

"authority" as "mastery over" must not simply be a

rhetorical device, it must be reflected in habits of

being, including styles of writing as well as chosen

subject matter. Third-world scholars, especially

elites, and white critics who passively absorb white

supremacist thinking, and therefore never notice or

look at black people on the streets, at their jobs, who

render us invisible with their gaze in all areas of

daily life, are not likely to produce liberatory theory

that will challenge racist domination, or to promote a

breakdown in traditional ways of seeing and thinking

about reality, ways of constructing aesthetic theory

and practice. From a different standpoint Robert Storr

makes a similar critique in the global issue of _Art in

America_ when he asserts:

To be sure, much postmodernist critical inquiry

has centered precisely on the issues of

"difference" and "otherness." On the purely

theoretical plane the exploration of these

concepts has produced some important results, but

in the absence of any sustained research into what

artists of color and others outside the mainstream

might be up to, such discussions become rootless

instead of radical. Endless second guessing about

the latent imperialism of intruding upon other

cultures only compounded matters, preventing or

excusing these theorists from investigating what

black, Hispanic, Asian and Native American artists

were actually doing.

Without adequate concrete knowledge of and contact with

the non-white "other," white theorists may move in

discursive theoretical directions that are threatening

to and potentially disruptive of that critical practice

which would support radical liberation struggle.

[7] The postmodern critique of "identity," though

relevant for renewed black liberation struggle, is

often posed in ways that are problematic. Given a

pervasive politic of white supremacy which seeks to

prevent the formation of radical black subjectivity, we

cannot cavalierly dismiss a concern with identity

politics. Any critic exploring the radical potential

of postmodernism as it relates to racial difference and

racial domination would need to consider the

implications of a critique of identity for oppressed

groups. Many of us are struggling to find new

strategies of resistance. We must engage

decolonization as a critical practice if we are to have

meaningful chances of survival even as we must

simultaneously cope with the loss of political

grounding which made radical activism more possible. I

am thinking here about the postmodernist critique of

essentialism as it pertains to the construction of

"identity" as one example.

[8] Postmodern theory that is not seeking to simply

appropriate the experience of "otherness" in order to

enhance its discourse or to be radically chic should

not separate the "politics of difference" from the

politics of racism. To take racism seriously one must

consider the plight of underclass people of color, a

vast majority of whom are black. For African-Americans

our collective condition prior to the advent of

postmodernism and perhaps more tragically expressed

under current postmodern conditions has been and is

characterized by continued displacement, profound

alienation and despair. Writing about blacks and

postmodernism, Cornel West describes our collective

plight:

There is increasing class division and

differentiation, creating on the one hand a

significant black middle-class, highly anxiety-

ridden, insecure, willing to be co-opted and

incorporated into the powers that be, concerned

with racism to the degree that it poses

constraints on upward social mobility; and, on the

other, a vast and growing black underclass, an

underclass that embodies a kind of walking

nihilism of pervasive drug addiction, pervasive

alcoholism, pervasive homicide, and an exponential

rise in suicide. Now because of the

deindustrialization, we also have a devastated

black industrial working class. We are talking

here about tremendous hopelessness.

This hopelessness creates longing for insight and

strategies for change that can renew spirits and

reconstruct grounds for collective black liberation

struggle. The overall impact of the postmodern

condition is that many other groups now share with

black folks a sense of deep alienation, despair,

uncertainty, loss of a sense of grounding, even if it

is not informed by shared circumstance. Radical

postmodernism calls attention to those sensibilities

which are shared across the boundaries of class,

gender, and race, and which could be fertile ground for

the construction of empathy--ties that would promote

recognition of common commitments and serve as a base

for solidarity and coalition.

[9] "Yearning" is the word that best describes a

common psychological state shared by many of us,

cutting across boundaries of race, class, gender, and

sexual practice. Specifically in relation to the

postmodernist deconstruction of "master" narratives,

the yearning that wells in the hearts and minds of

those whom such narratives have silenced is the longing

for critical voice. It is no accident that "rap" has

usurped the primary position of R&B music among young

black folks as the most desired sound, or that it began

as a form of "testimony" for the underclass. It has

enabled underclass black youth to develop a critical

voice, as a group of young black men told me, a "common

literacy." Rap projects a critical voice, explaining,

demanding, urging. Working with this insight in his

essay "Putting the Pop Back into Postmodernism,"

Lawrence Grossberg comments:

The postmodern sensibility appropriates practices

as boasts that announce their own--and

consequently our own--existence, like a rap song

boasting of the imaginary (or real--it makes no

difference) accomplishments of the rapper. They

offer forms of empowerment not only in the face of

nihilism but precisely through the forms of

nihilism itself: an empowering nihilism, a moment

of positivity through the production and

structuring of affective relations.

Considering that it is as a subject that one comes to

voice, then the postmodernist focus on the critique of

identity appears, at first glance, to threaten and

close down the possibility that this discourse and

practice will allow those who have suffered the

crippling effects of colonization and domination to

gain or regain a hearing. Even if this sense of threat

and the fear it evokes are based on a misunderstanding

of the postmodernist political project, they

nevertheless shape responses. It never surprises me

when black folk respond to the critique of

essentialism, especially when it denies the validity of

identity politics, by saying "yeah, it's easy to give

up identity, when you got one." Though an apt and

oftentimes appropriate comeback, this does not really

intervene in the discourse in a way that alters and

transforms. We should indeed suspicious of postmodern

critiques of the "subject" when they surface at a

historical moment when many subjugated people feel

themselves coming to voice for the first time.

[10] Criticisms of directions in postmodern thinking

should not obscure insights it may offer that open up

our understanding of African-American experience. The

critique of essentialism encouraged by postmodernist

thought is useful for African-Americans concerned with

reformulating outmoded notions of identity. We have

too long had imposed upon us, both from the outside and

the inside, a narrow constricting notion of blackness.

Postmodern critiques of essentialism which challenge

notions of universality and static over-determined

identity within mass culture and mass consciousness can

open up new possibilities for the construction of the

self and the assertion of agency.

[11] Employing a critique of essentialism allows

African-Americans to acknowledge the way in which class

mobility has altered collective black experience so

that racism does not necessarily have the same impact

on our lives. Such a critique allows us to affirm

multiple black identities, varied black experience. It

also challenges colonial imperialist paradigms of black

identity which represent blackness one-dimensionally in

ways that reinforce and sustain white supremacy. This

discourse created the idea of the "primitive" and

promoted the notion of an "authentic" experience,

seeing as "natural" those expressions of black life

which conformed to a pre-existing pattern or

stereotype. Abandoning essentialist notions would be a

serious challenge to racism. Contemporary African-

American resistance struggle must be rooted in a

process of decolonization that continually opposes

reinscribing notions of "authentic" black identity.

This critique should not be made synonymous with the

dismissal of the struggle of oppressed and exploited

peoples to make ourselves subjects. Nor should it deny

that in certain circumstances that experience affords

us a privileged critical location from which to speak.

This is not a reinscription of modernist master

narratives of authority which privilege some voices by

denying voice to others. Part of our struggle for

radical black subjectivity is the quest to find ways to

construct self and identity that are oppositional and

liberatory. The unwillingness to critique essentialism

on the part of many African-Americans is rooted in the

fear that it will cause folks to lose sight of the

specific history and experience of African-Americans

and the unique sensibilities and culture that arise

from that experience. An adequate response to this

concern is to critique essentialism while emphasizing

the significance of "the authority of experience."

There is a radical difference between a repudiation of

the idea that there is a black "essence" and

recognition of the way black identity has been

specifically constituted in the experience of exile and

struggle.

[12] When black folks critique essentialism, we are

empowered to recognize multiple experiences of black

identity that are the lived conditions which make

diverse cultural productions possible. When this

diversity is ignored, it is easy to see black folks as

falling into two categories--nationalist or

assimilationist, black-identified or white-identified.

Coming to terms with the impact of postmodernism for

black experience, particularly as it changes our sense

of identity, means that we must and can rearticulate

the basis for collective bonding. Given the various

crises facing African-Americans (economic, spiritual,

escalating racial violence, etc.) we are compelled by

circumstance to reassess our relationship to popular

culture and resistance struggle. Many of us are as

reluctant to face this task as many non-black

postmodern thinkers who focus theoretically on the

issue of "difference" are to confront the issue of race

and racism.

[13] Music is the cultural product created by African-

Americans that has most attracted postmodern theorists.

It is rarely acknowledged that there is far greater

censorship and restriction of other forms of cultural

production by black folks--beginning with literary and

critical writing. Attempts on the part of editors and

publishing houses to control and manipulate the

representation of black culture, as well as their

desire to promote the creation of products which will

attract the widest audience, limit in a crippling and

stifling way the kind of work many black folks feel we

can do and still receive recognition. Using myself as

an example, that creative writing I do which I consider

to be most reflective of a postmodern oppositional

sensibility--work that is abstract, fragmented,

non-linear narrative--is constantly rejected by editors

and publishers who tell me it does not conform to the

type of writing they think black women should be doing

or the type of writing they believe will sell.

Certainly I do not think I am the only black person

engaged in forms of cultural production, especially

experimental ones, who is constrained by the lack of an

audience for certain kinds of work. It is important

for postmodern thinkers and theorists to constitute

themselves as an audience for such work. To do this

they must assert power and privilege within the space

of critical writing to open up the field so that it

will be more inclusive. To change the exclusionary

practice of postmodern critical discourse is to enact a

postmodernism of resistance. Part of this intervention

entails black intellectual participation in the

discourse.

[14] In his essay "Postmodernism and Black America,"

Cornel West suggests that black intellectuals "are

marginal--usually languishing at the interface of Black

and white cultures or thoroughly ensconced in Euro-

American settings" and he cannot see this group as

potential producers of radical postmodernist thought.

While I generally agree with this assessment, black

intellectuals must proceed with the understanding that

we are not condemned to the margins. The way we work

and what we do can determine whether or not what we

produce will be meaningful to a wider audience, one

that includes all classes of black people. West

suggests that black intellectuals lack "any organic

link with most of Black life" and that this "diminishes

their value to Black resistance." This statement bears

traces of essentialism. Perhaps we need to focus more

on those black intellectuals, however rare our

presence, who do not feel this lack and whose work is

primarily directed towards the enhancement of black

critical consciousness and the strengthening of our

collective capacity to engage in meaningful resistance

struggle. Theoretical ideas and critical thinking need

not be transmitted solely in the academy. While I work

in a predominantly white institution, I remain

intimately and passionately engaged with black

communities. It's not like I'm going to talk about

writing and thinking about postmodernism with other

academics and/or intellectuals and not discuss these

ideas with underclass non-academic black folks who are

family, friends, and comrades. Since I have not broken

the ties that bind me to underclass poor black

community, I have seen that knowledge, especially that

which enhances daily life and strengthens our capacity

to survive, can be shared. It means that critics,

writers, academics have to give the same critical

attention to nurturing and cultivating our ties to

black communities that we give to writing articles,

teaching, and lecturing. Here again I am really

talking about cultivating habits of being that

reinforce awareness that knowledge can be disseminated

and shared on a number of fronts, and the extent to

which it is made available and accessible depends on

the nature of one's political commitments.

[15] Postmodern culture with its decentered subject can

be the space where ties are severed or it can provide

the occasion for new and varied forms of bonding. To

some extent ruptures, surfaces, contextuality and a

host of other happenings create gaps that make space

for oppositional practices which no longer require

intellectuals to be confined to narrow, separate

spheres with no meaningful connection to the world of

every day. Much postmodern engagement with culture

emerges from the yearning to do intellectual work that

connects with habits of being, forms of artistic

expression and aesthetics, that inform the daily life

of a mass population as well as writers and scholars.

On the terrain of culture, one can participate in

critical dialogue with the uneducated poor, the black

underclass who are thinking about aesthetics. One can

talk about what we are seeing, thinking, or listening

to; a space is there for critical exchange. It's

exciting to think, write, talk about, and create art

that reflects passionate engagement with popular

culture, because this may very well be "the" central

future location of resistance struggle, a meeting

place where new and radical happenings can occur.

***

hey, did that!

umoja

Only when lions have historians will hunters cease being heroes. African Proverb

Without struggle there is no progress. Frederick Douglass

The most potent weapon of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed. Steven Biko

yours in the struggle

Rodney D. Coates
Director of Black World Studies
Associate Professor of Sociology
Miami University
Oxford, Ohio 45056

513 529-1235
email: coatesrd@casmail.muohio.edu