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Shared Governance: Pleas and
Provocations |
March, 2002
My Hope for Peace in the Middle East
Tom Mayer, Department of Sociology
Hope is indispensable to human betterment. In the absence of hope policies
founded upon revenge and/or despair usually prevail. Yet is there any
reason to be hopeful about peace between Palestinians and the Israelis
in the near future? A very plausible answer would be "no". Official Palestinian
leadership is corrupt, ineffectual, and largely discredited among its
own constituents. The most politically energetic Palestinians appear committed
to a long term war of attrition against Israeli society a central tactic
of which is suicide bombing.
Israel shows no inclination to end its 35 year occupation of the West
Bank and Gaza or to allow the Palestinians a genuine state. The current
prime minister of Israel is a war criminal who, notwithstanding five decades
of contrary evidence, believes in crushing the Palestinian national movement
by force and conspires to incorporate all Palestinian lands into Israel.
Most discouragingly, this prime minister and these policies presently
enjoy the support of the Israeli majority.
The United States, the other prime actor in the Palestinian-Israeli
conflict, is thoroughly preoccupied by what our leaders call terrorism.
This preoccupation legitimates a unilateral foreign policy galling to
many other countries, an open ended militarism with undefined and readily
expandable targets, and a resounding unconcern with matters of social
justice. American political opinion currently expresses itself through
a flood of American flags pasted almost everywhere. These are intended
to show support for the victims of September 11 as well as political solidarity,
but in reality they symbolize uncritical acquiescence to whatever domestic
repressions or foreign adventures our leaders undertake. One of these
adventures is virtually carte blanche support for the present Israeli
government. Although many countries despise American support for Israeli
repression, U.S. economic and military power is so overweening that no
other government (or international agency) can effectively intervene within
the Middle East political arena.
In the face of these disheartening realities, what hope can exist for
peace in the Middle East? My own hope, such as it is, rests upon four
distinct pillars: (a) a widely shared sense of justice, (b) the impracticality
of current policies, (c) recognition that world peace is closely linked
to peace in the Middle East, and (d) broad consensus on the general lines
for resolving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Briefly consider each
of these pillars. International norms of justice may be pallid and insubstantial,
but Israeli treatment of the Palestinians still violates these norms.
Indignation is amplified by the political and cultural context. The modern
state of Israel was nurtured and sustained by imperialist power in the
Middle East, first British and then American. Thus Israeli treatment of
the Palestinians evokes much of the resentment felt against imperialism
as a whole.
Suicide bombers cannot destroy Israeli society. They can only undermine
the more progressive tendencies within Israeli culture and validate its
repressive chauvinistic aspects. Neither can military force crush the
Palestinian national movement or create enduring security for the citizens
of Israel. The policies of Prime Minister Sharon disempower the more conciliatory
sectors of the Palestinian national movement and strengthen the wing committed
to armed struggle. Meanwhile the United States war on terrorism, if it
continues to adumbrate arbitrary "axes of evil", will surely evolve into
a full scale catastrophe - perhaps resembling Vietnam - that dwarfs the
losses of September 11.
Nor can continued violence in the Middle East remain localized. On the
contrary, such violence will sabotage even those brief and imperfect episodes
of peace the world has experienced during recent decades. The lucrative
resources, geographic nodality, and religious resonance of the Middle
East region help explain its potency as a conflict detonator. Equally
important, however, are the deep cultural and moral ties between Palestinians
and Israelis on the one hand and sympathizers all over the globe on the
other. Any Middle East imbroglio inevitably stirs passions around the
world.
The general terms of a settlement between Israelis and Palestinians
have been obvious for a long time. The occupation of the West Bank and
Gaza must end, and Israel must return to its pre-1967 boundaries (perhaps
with minor border adjustments). Israeli settlements in the occupied territories
- settlements in complete violation of the Geneva Conventions - must be
fully dismantled. Israel must acknowledge the unabridged sovereignty of
a Palestinian state governing the West Bank and Gaza, and Jerusalem should
be under joint Israeli-Palestinian administration. The Palestinian state,
for its part, must recognize the full and unabridged sovereignty of Israel
within its pre-1967 borders, and Palestinian territory cannot be a base
for military operations against Israel.
Perhaps the most perplexing issue concerns Palestinian refugees. These
refugees must be compensated economically for their losses and allowed
to return wherever in the region they wish. Foreign powers, particularly
the United States and Britain which helped create the current predicament,
must shoulder a large share of the rapatriation expenses as well as opening
their own borders to refugee immigration. Although these expenses will
be formidable, they remain extremely small compared to the value of world
peace.
A two state settlement is a necessary step, but I do not think it can
or should be the ultimate resolution for the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.
The long term economic viability of the Palestinian state is at least
doubtful, and relations between the two states may not be amicable. Demographic
trends could easily render Jews a minority within Israel proper. A state
founded upon the principle of ethnic or religious hegemony will not be
truly democratic. Enduring peace in the Middle East mandates that the
Palestinian and Israeli states evolve towards a unified, democratic, secular,
and economically integrated polity. Such a polity would guarantee the
security of each person and protect the practice of all religions. Joint
administration of Jerusalem might provide a starting point. Herein lies
my own hope for peace in the Middle East.
IN THIS ISSUE:
The opinions expressed in these articles are those of the
authors, and do not represent those of the Boulder Faculty Assembly, CU
faculty at large, or the University of Colorado.
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