REGIONAL PILGRIMAGE

Our hypothesis is that throughout the Chacoan regional system, outlying communities freely associated themselves with the ceremonial complex in Chaco Canyon through the act of pilgrimage. Morinis (1992a:4) defines pilgrimage as that journey "... un dertaken by a person in quest of a place or a state of mind that embodies a valued ideal". Integration of the entire regional system may have been achieved through the communitas of pilgrimage within its "catchment" area, to use concepts of Turner (1969, 1974). We propose that Chacoan pilgrimage defined the regional system, established its membership, and effectively drew its boundaries.

Pilgrimages often result in large gatherings of a widely dispersed population and consequently foster a variety of personal, social, and economic activities in addition to prescribed ritual and religious functions (Morinis 1992). During the journey and the final assemblage, social integration is nurtured through meeting with family and friends, courting activities, sports events, trading, information exchange, and simple relaxation (Morinis 1992: 109).

We draw upon features of Hindu pilgrimage, tirthayatra, to develop a model of Chacoan pilgrimage that includes major characteristics of Hindu pilgrimage, i.e., movement, calendar, ritual mandala, darshan, prasad, mementos, and social integration. O ur approach is to seek provocative parallels and analogies between these two independent cultures. We certainly do not suggest any cultural connections.

A regional system may be defined as a "number of interacting but geographically separate communities that are dependent on each other through the exchange of goods and services" (Judge 1984:8; Crown and Judge 1991:1). In her discussion of sociopoli tical complexity in the Chacoan regional system, Sebastian (1991) suggests that the definition of a regional system should include exchange of information as well as goods and services. Both Judge and Sebastian argue that the regional system required inst itutionalized leadership by elites living within the Canyon. Wilcox (1993) has developed a model of the Chacoan polity as an empire relying upon militaristic control by leadership in Chaco Canyon who built roads for the purpose of rapid deployment of troo ps andgreat houses as garrisons. We depart substantially from those models of the Chaco regional system that require systematic planning, political control, and social organization beyond the capacities of non-hierarchical societies. Vast numbers of peopl e involved in Hindu pilgrimage embark upon their journeys without any institutionalized leadership or political mechanism. They travel in spite of politics, governments, or the military, not because of them. Pilgrims voluntarily contribute to the needs of the priests and to the construction and upkeep of temples and pilgrimage facilities. Pilgrimage centers and ceremonial complexes of India benefit from the affluence and prestige associated with periodic influxes of pilgrims. In some cases crowds of pilgr ims disrupt the normal functions of a temple, and hence they are not always actively sought or even welcomed by temple priests (Mokashi 1987).

Although pilgrims may interrupt the daily activities of the Hindu temple, they bring prosperity and prestige to the place. Trade is a natural companion to pilgrimage. Saraswati (1975) suggests that at least three-fourths of the population of Varana si was dependent upon the pilgrim industry in 1975. Temple priests, mortuary priests, guides, and merchants benefit from the influx of pilgrims. In the case of Chaco Canyon, pilgrims may have engaged in trade and networking amongst themselves as well as c ontributing to the building of the great houses and to the roads. A measure of the prosperity that pilgrimage brought to the Canyon may be found in the large physical stature of males and females and in the elaborate artifacts of certain of the great hous e burials (Akins 1986).