I want to challenge Chafe's larger
argument that women lives and opportunities did not significantly
change between 1890 and 1940. Chafe focuses on economic equality
as the major measure of women's success at breaking down the American
society's traditional division between women's and men's sphere.
To the extent, he argues, that by 1940 women had not achieved
significant gains in their economic equality with men, by successfully
competing with men for good, high-paying jobs, then their lives
and roles did not significantly change between 1890 and 1940.
However, by focusing on women's economic success Chafe ignores
the larger, gradual evolutionary changes that was occurring in
women's personal and social lives. Between 1890 and 1940, women,
especially white middle-class women, were increasingly attending
college, working in the white-collar professions, demanding more
respect and freedom from their husbands and other men, and gaining
more control over their lives.
To understand these changes, we need
to start with an example of an 1890s woman who was still burdened
by woman's traditional role and place in American society. Let's
look at Charlotte Perkins Gilman's short story, "The Yellow
Wallpaper," to better understand how this women's sphere
and role in the 1800s limited women's lives, opportunities, and
choices. In this short story, the woman narrator complains about
her husband, her marriage, and her life. Her husband, John, is
a physician who had taken his wife to the country and rented a
house in the hopes that rest and relaxation will cure his wife's
nervous illness. John appears to be a devoted husband, doting
over his wife and trying to help her get better. But underneath
the surface appearances, his wife is angry at her husband. She
writes: "John laughs at me, of course, but one expects that
in marriage." But it is clear that she does not like the
fact that her husband doesn't respect her. Her husband doesn't
believe that she is sick, feeling that she just has a temporary
nervous depression. She writes: "You see he does not believe
I am sick! And what can one do?" Moreover, her husband refuses
to accept his wife's own diagnosis of what she needs to do in
order to get well. She writes: "Personally, I believe that
congenial work, with excitement and change, would do me good.
But what is one to do?" It is clear throughout this short
story that she feels trapped in her marriage, completely dominated
and suffocated by her husband and his demands of her.
She writes that she sometimes gets
"unreasonably angry with John...I 'm sure that I never used
to be so sensitive." Instead of recognizing that he may do
things to anger his wife, John demands that she should control
herself and not express her anger. She writes: "I take pains
to control myself--before him, at least, and that makes me very
tired." Clearly, she is bottling up her rage and anger at
her husband's control and domination of her life. Because her
husband believes that writing is bad for her, she hides her writing
from him. He even forces her to sleep upstairs in what she considers
to be a dreadful room because if they slept downstairs, he would
have to sleep with her, and John doesn't want to do this! Feeling
suffocated and dominated, she describes the wallpaper in the room
she sleeps in: "When you follow the lame uncertain curves
for a little distance they suddenly commit suicide--plunge off
at outrageous angles, destroy themselves in unheard of contradictions."
At the end of this story, she commits suicide, unable to deal
with the contradictions in her own life--her suffocating marriage,
her husband's unwillingness to respect her, and her inability
to write and do what she wants to do.
By focusing on economic equality,
Chafe ignores the evidence from women's own lives and experiences
that their roles and opportunities have changed between 1890 and
1930. Beginning in the 1890s, young white middle-class women increasingly
attended college. By the 1930s, it was not seen as traditional
for young women to go to college. In addition to going to college,
and getting an education that they were denied for the most part
in the 1800s, young educated women found that they could get white-collar
jobs in offices, businesses, and department stores. Many young,
college-educated women worked after graduating from college for
a few years in their twenties before marrying. Some of these women
even continued to work after marriage. Chafe is correct when he
points out that the jobs these women were getting were still seen
as "women's jobs" and didn't pay as much as men's jobs,
but he fails to understand the significance of these jobs and
the newfound freedom they gave to many young women.
From 1890 to 1930, young educated
young women flocked into the growing industrial cities, seeking
jobs and adventure. These women soon discovered that in these
large cities they could escape the control of their parents, families,
churches, and communities. Free from the traditional restraints
that kept women isolated in the place, in women's sphere, these
young women increasingly demanded to have the same fun, the same
pleasure, and the same opportunities as young men. By the 1910s
these liberated young women were called "flappers."
Flappers wore their hair short and wore lose-fitting clothing,
modeled after the clothing of young men. They smoke, drank, and
went out on the town by themselves; they engaged in affairs, demanding
the same right to control their sexuality as young men did. One
of the heroines of these young, educated modern women was Edna
Vincent Millay, a celebrated young poet and flapper herself. Now,
Chafe is right when he argues that these "new women"
were a minority of young women. The majority of women remained
trapped in women's sphere, bound by their roles and their responsibilities
to the marriage and family. But the flapper and the "new
women" was celebrated in American novels, magazines, and
song. She became a role-model for many other women, including
older married women, who once wouldn't dream of doing the things
these younger women were doing.
Chafe is right to note that many
women found this "new woman" was not a realistic option
for them. Women in small towns, married women, and Black and minority
women did not have the education, the opportunities, and the freedom
from social control to adopt the behavior and values of the new
woman. However, the new woman provided an example and model for
many women to make small changes in their marriages and their
lives. Many women demanded more respect from their husbands, a
larger say in the marriage and the family, and more freedom in
their lives. By focusing on economic equality, Chafe misses these
changes in women's personal and social lives.
Chafe notes that many of the older
generation of women's rights activists and feminist resented these
"new women." And these new women resented the demands
made on them by this older generation of feminists. We can see
this conflict in Dorothy Bromley's article, "Feminist--New
Style," which is a personal response to the feminist's attacks
on the younger generation of women. Bromley argues that the "modern
young woman" admires the feminists for their struggle to
win equality for women. These modern women believe that "the
worst of the fight is over" and women have achieved significant
victories in their fight for equality. Because the older generation
of women does not want to give up their bitter struggle, they
have alienated many men and the larger society. The new woman
does not want to be seen as hating men, as being obsessed with
equality, and concentrating on her career and "expressing
herself" at the expense marriage and having a family. The
majority of women who struggled to compete with men in the profession
and in the larger economy remained single, with their lives dominated
by their work and their struggle for recognition and equality.
Bromley argues that the new modern woman does not want to be forced
to make a choice between their careers and marriage and children.
Taking the side of the older feminists,
Chafes suggest that these new modern women by marrying and having
children were turning their backs on the larger struggle for economic
equality. But Bromley refuses to accept these charges. She argues
that the new woman believes that a "full life calls for marriage
and children as well as a career." Moreover, by having a
career and developing their skills and talents, the new modern
woman will be "better wives and mothers." Instead of
choosing between being a wife and mother and having a career,
the new woman wants a balanced life, a life based on success in
the larger world of work and society and success in their marriages
and families. Bromley concludes that the new woman is even now
creating this balanced life.
Chafe admits that many younger women
benefited from the college education, their freedom in the industrial
cities, and their success at work, but with marriage and the coming
of the Great Depression these changes would disappear. He rights
notes that it became harder for women to go to college in the
1930s or hold their jobs in the face of demands by men to lay
them off and give men their jobs. Yes, these new modern women
faced economic difficulties but this did not stop them from continuing
to demand greater equality in their marriages, their families,
and their lives. The changes created by these new women didn't
get swallowed up by the Depression or the inability of women to
compete equally with men for high-paying jobs. Instead, these
women would raise their daughters to demand more equality and
opportunities. With the economic opportunities created by World
War II, many young women would once again expand their roles and
discover that they too could successfully work and compete in
the larger male world of work and society. The daughters of the
flappers and the new women will raise the women who will lead
the Women's Movement of the 1960s and 1970s. Without understanding
the changes in women's personal lives between 1890 and 1930, we
cannot understand the growth and success of the women's movement
in the 1960s and 1970s.
The larger lesson we can learn from
examining changes in women's personal and social lives between
1890 and 1930 is the importance of looking beneath the surface
of economic and social statistics. We need to look at women's
lives and ask them how their lives changed. Without an examination
of women's lives and experiences, we cannot understand women's
changing roles in American society and culture.